Introduction

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


 

Why write about Antony Terry? He was a giant of British journalism during the Cold War, but is largely forgotten today. When he is mentioned now it’s usually in relation to Ian Fleming, although this rarely goes beyond noting their friendship and that Fleming occasionally consulted him for his novels. That’s one reason I’ve written about him, as I believe he had a much more significant influence on Fleming’s work than has yet been acknowledged.

In 2007, Terry was the subject of a slim but fascinating biography written by his step-daughter, Judith Lenart, who had discovered his papers while making his funeral arrangements in 1992. She amassed much of the information in them and elsewhere in an attempt to cover ‘what he did through what he left behind’. In an admirable break from the tradition of the seemingly-omniscient biographer, Lenart posed several direct questions to her readers where her information was scant, and I’ve tried to give answers to some of them here using newspaper archives, declassified government files and several other sources, including more recently published ones.

However, this isn’t an attempt at a new biography. Fleming wasn’t the only spy novelist to have been influenced by Terry, and in the following pages I’ll explore those cases as well as the impact he had on shaping public perception. I also hope to shed light on how British intelligence used journalists during the Cold War; the ethical problems this practice raised then and raise for historians of the era now; and something of the inner workings of journalism and novel-writing.

The book unashamedly contains some speculation on my part regarding motives that in many cases were intended to be hidden, or at least submerged. As spies are professional deceivers, this is unavoidable when discussing their activities, and writers don’t leave behind records of their every thought, either. But I hope my guesses are at least well-educated, and that even if a few miss the mark the general thrust of my arguments hit home. This is a book of ‘close reading’ literary criticism as much as of investigative journalism, and I’ve done my best to distinguish the hard facts from where I’ve followed my intuition.

The seed for this book was research I did into journalists’ involvement in espionage for a Radio 4 documentary in 2013, titled MI6 and The Media. Ian Fleming’s Mercury cropped up several times in interviews I conducted for the programme, but I couldn’t find a way to insert that strand into it. One of my interviewees, the espionage historian Stephen Dorril, also commented that the revelations of this kind of activity meant that ‘We really need to go back and look in detail at some of the key events of the Cold War: look at the newspapers, see what was planted, who were the journalists, and what was it they were trying to put out and say to the British public.’ The remark stayed with me, and this is an attempt to address it through the study of the work of one of those journalists.

As someone who also writes espionage fiction, this book is in some ways intended as a defence of the genre. I believe spy novels can offer another kind of reportage than journalism, and in some cases can get to the heart of events in a way non-fiction accounts of espionage activities rarely do.

I hope you enjoy going on this journey as much as I did.

 

Jeremy Duns

Mariehamn, July 2018

Jeremy Duns
I. The London Station

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


HE WAS A GIANT OF COLD WAR JOURNALISM, REPORTING FROM THE ALLEYWAYS OF VIENNA, BUDAPEST AND BERLIN AND THE JUNGLES OF BIAFRA AND PARAGUAY. A WAR HERO, A NAZI-HUNTER, A SPY AND A MASTER MANIPULATOR, HE ALSO INFLUENCED SEVERAL OF THE 20TH CENTURY’S GREATEST THRILLER-WRITERS. JEREMY DUNS DELVES INTO THE MANY WORLDS OF ANTONY TERRY

Tony Terry offers a light to Austrian Chancellor Leopold Figl, Vienna, 1948. (Getty Images. Original publication 'In Vienna Today—A Foreign Correspondents Life', Picture Post, 1948.)


For several years during the Cold War, including while he was writing the James Bond novels, Ian Fleming was also working for the Secret Intelligence Service, popularly known as M.I.6.

He was part of a network that at various times also counted among its members Malcolm Muggeridge, Kim Philby, George Blake and Frederick Forsyth. At one point M.I.5 had a long-term plan for John le Carré in the network, but he backed out at the last moment. Had he joined, le Carré would have worked directly for Fleming: a tantalising what-if in espionage history.

M.I.6 ran this network using the somewhat absurd codename ‘BIN’. It was first exposed by the Soviet press in 1968, when Izvestia published M.I.6 documents that listed several of its members and their accompanying code numbers, but the story quickly blew over in Britain after a flurry of scornful denials.

BIN was informally known as ‘the London Station’, and had its headquarters at Londonderry House in Victoria. At one time employing 20 officers, it was part of a larger department within M.I.6 with the title ‘Controller of Production Research’, which arranged all operations against the Soviet Union that used resources within Britain. BIN was initially overseen by Frederick ‘Fanny’ Vanden Heuvel, the dandyish son of a papal count and a friend of Fleming. Vanden Heuvel’s code number was Z-1, an indication that the department had its roots in the Z Organisation, a network of British businessmen who gathered intelligence in parallel to M.I.6 before and during the Second World War, and in which Vanden Heuvel had been a leading figure.

In line with the Z Organisation’s old role, BIN ran the ‘frequent travellers’: Brits who regularly went behind the Iron Curtain for business purposes and agreed to report what they had seen when they returned home. One of these was Greville Wynne, who would become Oleg Penkovsky’s link-man with M.I.6 in Moscow. BIN also targeted foreign diplomats and businessmen working in Britain for recruitment, and carried out the monitoring of embassies’ communications.

Finally, it developed and controlled a network within Britain’s newspaper industry. The press section had three main roles: to arrange journalistic cover for M.I.6 officers travelling behind the Iron Curtain and elsewhere; to persuade bona fide journalists to gather intelligence for them on the side; and to encourage journalists to produce articles that had a propaganda benefit for Britain.

The concept of journalists working hand in glove with intelligence agencies is a familiar one in popular consciousness, but hard evidence of it taking place in Britain was scant during the Cold War, and even now this is a relatively neglected area of research among historians of the era considering the central role journalists played in shaping perceptions through those decades. The gap is for several reasons, one of them being that the Cold War is not long dead, and has arguably been reanimated. Journalists’ involvement in espionage raises several thorny ethical dilemmas—they are supposed to be free thinkers who speak truth to power, after all, rather than deceivers in service of the secret state—but even those who weren’t engaged in the practice and disapproved had editors or proprietors who were, and who considered this their patriotic duty. Exposure of M.I.6’s work with journalists would have been breaking the Official Secrets Act, as well as risked betraying colleagues and creating a working assumption overseas that all British correspondents were spies, which might have endangered lives.

Many British journalists and former journalists wrote spy fiction during the Cold War, so one might expect the idea to have featured heavily there, especially as the genre provides ample opportunity to reveal secrets between the lines. But while characters working as correspondents for TASS or Pravda are routinely undercover KGB operatives—with the unwritten implication that this was the case in real life (as it often was)—British spy fiction of the era features very few Western intelligence operatives working under journalistic cover. Even in thrillers this topic was, if not taboo, rarely under the spotlight.

However, as the Cold War waned mentions of this activity became more common, first in vague terms, eventually in detailed accounts. There is now enough information in the public domain to piece together how this was carried out.

One of the most significant figures recruited by M.I.6’s BIN network was Ian Fleming. Like many others, he had been involved with intelligence during the Second World War: he had been the personal assistant of Admiral John Godfrey, the Director of Naval Intelligence (D.N.I.). Years later, Fleming would take inspiration from Godfrey when creating James Bond’s boss M, and as a result many have likened Fleming’s wartime activities under Godfrey to those of Bond under M. However, Fleming’s role at Naval Intelligence was much more akin to that of the character Bill Tanner, M’s trusty chief of staff: he drafted memos on Godfrey’s behalf, navigated Whitehall’s politics, and helped arrange and oversee operations. Fleming was a desk man, expressly forbidden from taking part in the field on the grounds that, were he to be captured by the Germans, he knew far too much.

Throughout the war, Fleming was in contact with other branches of British intelligence, including the Special Operations Executive, Bletchley Park, M.I.5 and M.I.6. He also worked with the Political Warfare Executive, a group responsible for creating and disseminating propaganda. Fleming was fluent in German, and was used in P.W.E. broadcasts ‘telling the Germans that all their U-boats leak’.

At the end of the war M.I.6 were interested in taking on people who already knew the espionage ropes, who had proven themselves discreet, efficient and trustworthy, and whose skills would be useful in the coming Cold War. Fleming fitted the bill. Before the war, he had been a reporter for Reuters, most notably covering the Metropolitan-Vickers Trial in Moscow, and also briefly in the same city as a ‘special correspondent’ for The Times in 1939—the latter occasion had opened connections to the espionage world that had led to his job in Naval Intelligence. Now he was to combine journalism with work for M.I.6, as in the war not as a field operative but as a desk man. In late 1945, he accepted a job at the Kemsley newspaper group, the offer having likely been facilitated through his friendship with Fanny Vanden Heuvel.

The Kemsley group included the Sunday Times, putting Fleming right at the heart of Fleet Street. Fleming wrote articles for the Sunday Times, chiefly colour pieces as he had a gift for projecting a simultaneously worldly-wise and boyishly enthusiastic view of subjects that took his fancy. From November 1953, he also compiled the paper’s gossip and miscellany column ‘Atticus’, and reviewed books. However, his main job was as ‘foreign manager’ for the whole Kemsley group, which provided copy for over 20 British national and provincial newspapers and around 600 papers overseas. Fleming managed 88 foreign correspondents, many of whom had also worked for British intelligence in the Second World War—several of whom now continued to do so in peacetime.

The group was officially called the Kemsley Imperial and Foreign Service, but was generally known as ‘Mercury’, its cable address. While M.I.6 had similar arrangements at other newspapers, Mercury was the jewel in its Fleet Street crown, and one mark of its success is how little an operation taking place at one of Britain’s best-known newspapers is known about even today.

Once Fleming had become famous, he often discussed his intelligence work during the Second World War in interviews, but he never publicly mentioned his subsequent work for M.I.6, for the obvious reason that it was ongoing and he would have been blowing his own cover. However, in his 1995 biography of the writer, Andrew Lycett quoted a private letter in which Fleming made his M.I.6 role explicit. As a member of the Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve, Fleming was obliged to spend two weeks a year on a training course, but in 1951 he argued that he should be exempted from this on account of the clandestine aspect of his day job:

‘As foreign manager of the Sunday Times and Kemsley Newspapers, I am engaged throughout the year in running a world-wide intelligence organization, and there could be no better training for the duties I would have to carry out for the D.N.I. in the event of war. As you know, I also carry out a number of tasks on behalf of a department of the Foreign Office and this department would, I believe, be happy to give details of these activities to the D.N.I.’

‘A department of the Foreign Office’ was an unsubtle way of referring to M.I.6 in an attempt to trump the request. The ploy didn’t work and Fleming resigned his R.N.V.R. commission as a result, but it gives us clear evidence in his own hand that he was working for M.I.6 while at Kemsley—and that he was well aware he was fulfilling that role.

The phrase ‘world-wide intelligence organization’ is also telling: Fleming might have been exaggerating Mercury’s importance to get out of a training course, but one senses he was also hinting at his real pride in the network he now controlled, and the power he held through it. A 2012 article in the Sunday Times put this in striking terms:

‘On his office wall at Gray’s Inn Road was a canary-yellow map depicting the Mercury News Service—the huge nexus he set up to service the whole Kemsley group of newspapers. This was the nerve centre of Fleming operations—an ambitious, grandiose plan for world domination that would have done Ernst Stavro Blofeld himself proud.’

Fleming might well have viewed his role with M.I.6 along such lines, but other than the letter unearthed by Andrew Lycett he appears to have kept such thoughts to himself: there are no hints of it in his interviews, articles or novels. He was an important cog in the agency’s machine, but he appears to have carried out his role discreetly. A gentle nudge would have been easily understood in a network largely consisting of old hands in the intelligence game, and activities like this were arranged over liquid lunches at the club or between the lines of letters rather than in ciphers retrieved from dead drops.

An example of the routine, almost casual way in which journalists acted for British intelligence in this way can be seen in the diaries of Malcolm Muggeridge. He had worked for M.I.6 during the war, but by 1950 was an editor at The Daily Telegraph, where he performed the same role for the agency as Fleming at The Sunday Times. In January 1950, he recorded a visit to a very ill George Orwell, before adding:

‘Visited in the evening by M.I.6 character who wants cover to go to Indo-China.’

And it was as simple as that.

For Fleming, involvement with M.I.6 was mutually beneficial. Thanks to his pulling strings in the background, several M.I.6 operatives received the excellent cover of working for one of Britain’s best-known newspapers while they were carrying out secret assignments around the world. But Fleming also used the role for his own purposes, incorporating intelligence he learned or sought out from these operatives into his novels. In turn, more by accident than design, his books would come to serve as propaganda for M.I.6 in particular, and for Britain in general.

Jeremy Duns
II. Mercury Man

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


Andrew Lycett’s careful piecing together of previous mentions of Mercury’s secret role, including Fleming’s own admission of his part in it, brought the network’s true nature into focus for the first time. In 1998, the veteran Sunday Times journalist Phillip Knightley was able to write in that newspaper that Mercury had been ‘one of the largest rings of intelligence officers, agents and “assets” masquerading as reporters in the history of journalism or espionage’.

But even then, the dam didn’t break. There have now been several full-length examinations of Fleming’s role in intelligence during the Second World War, but his work for M.I.6 during the Cold War remains little-known. It’s established that Fleming ran this group—but what exactly did they get up to? A sizeable book could be written answering this, taking in this network’s intelligence and propaganda roles, its impact on Fleming’s fiction and more, but my focus here will be on just one of the Mercury Men, Antony Terry.

Described by one writer who had dealings with him as ‘a cocktail of duplicitous charm and amorality’, Terry was a complex and enigmatic figure, with many significant parts of his life remaining hidden from view even after his death in 1992. His obituaries unsurprisingly made no mention of his decades-long work for M.I.6, but they also had several other notable omissions: for instance, the Times noted only two of his four marriages.

With Ian Fleming’s guidance and support, Terry would become a near-legendary figure in Fleet Street, and the Sunday Times’ longest-serving foreign correspondent. His obituary in that paper attributed his ‘prodigious memory and relentless attention to detail’ to his name becoming ‘a byword among his peers’, while The Independent described him as a journalistic ‘giant’, ‘a one-man listening post, a fastidious checker of facts, a burrower into dark corners and a traveller who never complained of fatigue’.

Among the stories he investigated were the Thalidomide scandal and the missing treasure known as the Amber Room, but his main beats were espionage and crime, and his journalistic archive is a roll-call of spies, smugglers, arms dealers and, above all, war criminals.

But while a few reporters of the old-school might occasionally still mention Terry’s name reverently, most of his scoops have long faded from memory and his legacy today is felt more through others’ work, notably in the fiction he inspired. His reporting and expertise sparked the interest of several thriller-writers, who drew on his experiences as an intelligence operative and his deep knowledge of Germany, Austria and Central Europe.

Born in London in 1913, Antony Frédéric Aimé Imbert-Terry was a descendant of a French aristocratic family that had settled in Britain. He grew up in Berlin, where his father, who had lost his title and been disowned by the family after eloping with a suffragette, was a minor functionary at the British Embassy. Terry was schooled by tutors and his mother at home, and grew up completely fluent in German, even mastering many of its dialects.

Few Brits at that time lived in Germany and were able to speak the language like a native, and Terry evidently realized early on that he could exploit this, writing articles for the Sunday Dispatch from the age of 14. In 1935, Terry married Eileen Griffiths, but the marriage collapsed within a year after she fell pregnant and he insisted that she have an abortion. It seems that Terry was virulently opposed to the idea of having children of his own. Griffiths remarried, becoming Julia Greenwood (Julia being her given first name) and forged a career as a broadcaster and, under the pseudonym ‘Francis Askham’, a writer: George Orwell favourably reviewed her 1946 novel A Foolish Wind.

Terry’s career, meanwhile, led him in a different direction. After several years working in film publicity—possibly involving some espionage activity—in 1940 he joined M.I.19, a branch of British military intelligence, as part of its Prisoner of War Interrogation Section. He was posted to 6-7 Kensington Palace Gardens, ‘the London Cage’, where many captured Germans were imprisoned and interrogated under the leadership of Colonel Alexander Scotland. Terry was given the legend of ‘Anton Schroder’, a German newspaper correspondent working as an aerial cameraman whose plane had been shot down by the British over Aylesbury in 1940. No further details survive of this operation, but presumably the false identity enabled him to pose as a prisoner to loosen the lips of the others. He also appears to have become a very effective and valued interrogator.

Bespectacled, with thinning hair and cold eyes that gave him the look of a sinister hypnotist in a B-movie, Terry probably didn’t match most people’s idea of a daring commando and decorated war hero. But he became both. In March 1942, he volunteered to be a part of the intelligence contingent of Operation CHARIOT, the daring British raid on the dry dock at St Nazaire in Nazi-occupied France often referred to as ‘The Greatest Raid of All’. Terry was attached to No. 2 Commando with the idea that if any enemy combatants were captured he would be on hand to interrogate them on the spot to obtain ‘hot’ intelligence.

However, it didn’t turn out that way. Instead, the group he was in found itself surrounded by the Germans. Terry decided to carry out a reconnaissance mission of the town and ventured out into the streets alone. According to his Military Cross citation after the war, he did so ‘at great personal risk, armed only with a revolver and showing total disregard for his own safety’. He managed to return with ‘the most valuable information concerning the actions and whereabouts of the enemy’, but it wasn’t enough. The Times described the incident in his obituary:

‘Major Terry and his men drew German fire as they crossed an iron bridge, bullets ricocheting against its girders, and were captured. His team was actually being lined up against a wall by German soldiers to be shot when saved by the distraction of another British team’s limpet-mines going off under the battleship Tirpitz a short distance away.’

Along with several others, Terry was imprisoned in Spangenberg Castle until the end of the war; while there, he kept his fellow prisoners informed by running a daily news bulletin, collating everything that could be gleaned from the German press and broadcasts listened to on a radio set built from components that had been smuggled piece by piece in aid parcels into the camp and, when that was detected in a search by the Germans, a new model built from stolen valves and hidden inside a gramophone.

After his release from Spangenberg in 1945, Terry returned to the London Cage, now renamed the War Crimes Investigation Unit, to interrogate high-ranking Nazis as the deputy to Colonel Scotland. Years later, he recalled in a documentary that he was known as ‘the shit with the glasses’ by those whose testimonies he unravelled.

In April 1946, he returned to Germany, visiting Dachau. The notorious concentration camp was now a detention centre run by the Americans, and one of its prisoners was General Nikolaus von Falkenhorst. The Nazis’ supreme commander in Norway, in October 1942 von Falkenhorst had ordered the execution of seven British commandos who had been captured during MUSKETOON, the operation to destroy the hydro-electric plant in Glomfjord. The laws of war envisaged imprisonment in such circumstances, not being shot through the back of the head, but these men were the first victims of the Nazis’ ‘Commando Order’.

Terry’s interview in Dachau helped secure von Falkenhorst a guilty verdict in an Allied military tribunal. He was sentenced to death, but this was then commuted to life imprisonment, and he ended up being released in 1953 due to ill health. This would likely have infuriated Terry. He never wrote or spoke publicly of it but one of the seven commandos, Joe Houghton, had also been at St Nazaire. Terry would have known this from his research into the case, and so would also likely have been conscious of the fact that while in the earlier operation Houghton had escaped and he had been captured, at that point in the war the Nazis had still played by the established rules of war and had only held him as a prisoner. Their fates could easily have been reversed.

Terry was recruited by M.I.6 shortly after his return from Dachau. It’s not hard to see why they were interested. He was ideally qualified for work behind the Iron Curtain: he had operated under cover (as ‘Anton Schroder’); had shown great physical courage at St Nazaire; had been a highly effective interrogator both during and after the war; was as ardently anti-Soviet as he was anti-Nazi; and was completely fluent in German.

While the latter point had been an asset for the London Cage, it was even more so for M.I.6. The post-war division of Austria and Germany meant that cities such as Vienna and Berlin, where East and West were separated by still-porous borders, had become key targets for the agency. It was eager to gather intelligence on Soviet bloc activities and intentions without taking the far greater dangers involved in recruiting or infiltrating agents deeper inside the U.S.S.R.

This was soon to be Terry’s new role, but first he needed cover. Considering his background, both from his teenage years and his time preparing a news bulletin inside a German P.O.W. camp, journalism would have been an obvious option. In 1947, someone from the London Station asked Ian Fleming if Mercury could take on Antony Terry.

Terry’s heroic war record would probably have appealed to Fleming, especially as it involved a commando raid. In March 1942, Fleming had drafted a memo proposing the creation of a ‘Naval Intelligence Commando Unit’, a small force that would go ahead of advancing Allied units to snatch codes, documents and even valuable personnel. He’d signed it ‘F’ with a flourish. This eventually came into existence as 30 Assault Unit, two leaders of which were veterans of the St Nazaire raid: Robert ‘Red’ Ryder and Dunstan Curtis.

Terry also fitted many of Fleming’s other requirements for the job. In an essay for The Kemsley Manual Of Journalism, he had given the criteria for his ideal correspondent, which included their being ‘either a bachelor or a solidly married man who is happy to have his children brought up abroad’, as well as the sort who would ‘enjoy having a drink with the meanest spy or the most wastrelly spiv’, could speak at least one foreign language fluently with another to fall back on, and was ‘able to keep a secret’.

Much of this description could, of course, also apply to an intelligence operative acting under cover as a foreign correspondent. Fleming agreed to take Terry on, and M.I.6 then instructed Terry to marry ‘one of his girlfriends at the time’, a 32-year-old divorcee named Rachel Nixon. M.I.6 did not employ bachelors: a ‘solidly married man’ made for more plausible cover and was thought to dissuade the Soviets from attempting honey-traps. Rachel later recalled that she was vetted by M.I.6, after which the couple married at a civil ceremony in Kensington in June 1947. She was informed of his intelligence role, Fleming ‘arranged the cover’, and they moved to Vienna.

There, Terry reported to two masters: George Kennedy Young, head of M.I.6’s station in the city, and Ian Fleming in London. The cover role was no mere formality: he was expected to excel at both jobs. Fleming wanted to enliven The Sunday Times’ foreign coverage and had high expectations of his new correspondent. Young, meanwhile, was running a network of agents and informers in the city, several of whom Terry took on. In October 1948, after M.I.6 agent Kavan Elliott had been interrogated and released by the Hungarian secret police in Budapest, he was sheltered by Terry in his flat in Vienna, where M.I.6 debriefers concluded ‘he had had a tough time, but he had held up well’.

Terry and Young’s relationship was not always a smooth one, perhaps in part because Terry wasn’t confined by the agency’s traditional hierarchy. He doesn’t appear ever to have been a fully salaried member of M.I.6 but rather a highly trusted and capable freelancer with a degree of autonomy from local stations.

According to a barely fictionalized version of this part of his life, he ‘enjoyed the right of direct communication with the Intelligence Directorate in London’. If so, this would presumably have been with someone at the London Station, perhaps Vanden Heuvel or his successor, Nicholas Elliott.

10 January 1948: Antony Terry listens intently to Major Emma Woolf at the Officer's Club in the Kinsky Palace, Vienna (Gerti Deutsch/Picture Post/Getty Images)

It seems Terry was in his element, but his marriage was already in trouble: within a month of arriving in Vienna, Rachel discovered he was being unfaithful to her. She stayed with him nevertheless and started to explore her new home, with mixed results. Vienna in 1947 was divided into four zones of occupation and was rife with espionage and danger. While her husband pursued stories, intelligence and women, Rachel found work at the Allied Control Council, which governed the four zones. Having never left England before, she was shocked by life in the city, and her ‘ignorant adulation’ of the Russians for their heroic part in defeating Nazism soon vanished, as she later described:

‘It was nothing to see a Russian soldier raise the stock of his machine pistol (they were always armed) against someone in his way in the street, and even to strike out with it.

To a Londoner that was as horrifying as the constant accounts of “men in military uniform” raping, looting and killing, for such things could not happen to me and were at first discounted out of the prevailing Allied hatred of everything German. But a man trying to escape from a police jeep being dragged along the street by one foot until a crowd gathered and he got away, his head covered with blood … a shape lying on the pavement covered by a blanket from which blood seeped … such sights in a major city are shocks one does not forget. They were made sharper by the strict discipline of the three other occupying armies. My hero-worship was replaced by a fear that sometimes reached horror, much deeper than the fear caused by bombing during the War. The cure was permanent.’

Also reporting from Vienna at this time was a Daily Express correspondent, Peter Smollett, who was not all he seemed. Viewed by his enemies as ‘an uncouth bull of a man with a decidedly shady air’, he had been born Hans Peter Smolka in Vienna. A Jewish Communist, with the rise of the Nazis he had helped dissidents escape through the city’s network of sewers before fleeing himself to London, where he became a naturalized British subject and briefly ran a press agency with Kim Philby.

Thanks to files smuggled out of Russia by Vladimir Mitrokhin, we now know that Philby and his Austrian wife Litzi recruited Smolka into Soviet intelligence in 1939. He became one of their most effective agents, codenamed ABO.

During the Second World War, Smolka ran the Russian Department within the Ministry of Information, spearheading Britain’s efforts to paint its major ally in a good light to the public. This was a significant propaganda coup for the Russians, as Smolka managed to paint a rosy picture of Communism while suppressing reports on Stalinist persecution. He was awarded an O.B.E. for his efforts.

After the war, Smolka returned to Vienna as a correspondent, carrying out much the same job for Soviet intelligence as Terry was for M.I.6. Smolka was a familiar face in the British press pack, but Rachel Terry soon began to distrust him:

‘In November (1947) Picture Post wanted an article on a foreign correspondent's life in an Occupied city, and Peter Smolka proposed this to my husband as something in his gift. Smolka had the permits necessary to go to such places as Klosterneuburg, impossible to get from the Russians except on an official level. He also invited us and the photographer, the wife of the editor of Picture Post, to dine at the British Officers’ Club in Palais Kinsky with a woman Russian colonel, whose picture duly appeared with us all in the magazine. This was something so unheard-of that even I could see something odd in it. It could only have occurred with official Soviet approval, and to get permission for foreign publicity of that kind proved intimate and high-level contacts.’

Rachel Terry wrote this in 1984, and even then was being a little coy: the ‘woman Russian colonel’ was in fact Emma Wolff, a senior Soviet intelligence officer.

It seems likely that Antony Terry would have come to similar conclusions about Smolka as his perceptive wife and reported back to M.I.6 that he must have connections with Soviet intelligence. And yet the British did not act against Smolka. Two years later, he was even invited to help out with a film that provided a covert role for British intelligence, and was asked to show the screenwriter around the city.

This was Graham Greene, and the film became The Third Man. Smolka gave Greene many of the ideas for the film, including the workings of the city’s black market in penicillin and its sewer system. According to Smolka’s godson, Peter Foges, the character of Harry Lime was partly based on Philby and partly on Smolka himself.

In 1949, Fleming had a new assignment for Terry: Germany. He was initially based in Dusseldorf before settling in Bonn, but he also had stints in Hamburg and Berlin. On posting him to the country, Fleming wrote to Terry to stress he had free rein to travel and pursue stories as he saw fit:

‘I shall never mind being beaten on spot news, if I feel that you are devoting your time to becoming really acquainted with all aspects of your fascinating and dangerous territory and its psychosis ridden inhabitants.’

Such a flexible remit, of course, was perfect cover for espionage work. Fleming also furnished Terry with at least one source with intelligence links. In October 1949, he sent him the details of a Herr von Mouillard in Hamburg, who he said he had been recommended as being ‘particularly well-informed, especially regarding Russian manoeuvres in Germany’ and from whom he felt sure Terry would be able to extract ‘useful material’. He added that von Mouillard was ‘well-known to a mutual friend of yours and mine’—a not-so-subtle reference to M.I.6.

Jeremy Duns
III. Our Man in Germany

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


It was in Germany that Terry began to make a name for himself as a correspondent. For the Sunday Times, he was now increasingly called on to write the ‘big picture’ reports on political developments, treaties, industry and the like, while elsewhere he tended to file more sensational material, sprinkled with ‘tabloiditis’ as he referred to the style years later.

These stories often implicated the Soviets in the clandestine backing of a resurgent Nazi movement—Terry had left the War Crimes Investigation Unit, but he would continue to investigate war criminals by himself for the next half-century.

Several of Terry’s articles from this period concerned Martin Bormann, Hitler’s deputy, who had vanished in Berlin in the final chaos-strewn days before the German surrender. Bormann’s skeleton was eventually discovered in 1972, and as a result we now know from forensic evidence and dental records that he died shortly after he escaped from the bunker, probably as the result of biting down on a cyanide capsule. But in the decades before his body was found, journalists were free to speculate that he might be alive and up to all kinds of activities.

Terry was an avid purveyor of such theories, producing a stream of lurid stories about Bormann. In February 1952, he wrote that Bormann was not only still alive but was now working as an agent for the Soviets. Citing West German intelligence as his source, Terry claimed that since the end of the war Bormann had visited China, India, Turkey, South Africa and elsewhere, disguised as a businessman and leaving ‘a trail of murder and rioting wherever he goes’.

In October the same year, he provided further details in a follow-up article:

‘Martin Borman, under his new name, “Borner,” is in charge of “Operation Borner”—a forcing school designed to turn out a regular supply of thousands of trained Red spies.

Acting under Stalin’s personal orders, Bormann has now “trained” no fewer than 1,200 Russian agents, who are now at work inside Russia, in Poland, in Eastern Germany, and Africa.’

Once again, he cited anonymous intelligence sources to support his claims, although we now know that these must have been nonsense. In today’s parlance, Terry was peddling ‘fake news’. He might have suspected as much himself, but as intelligence agencies are compartmentalized and rarely comment on press reports, he could have been fairly confident that none of his claims would be publicly contradicted.

These articles are also, by today’s standards, almost laughably crude propaganda: the uncritical parroting of unnamed intelligence sources claiming to expose a succession of sensational and sometimes absurd conspiracies without documentary evidence, and with the Soviets repeatedly portrayed as a vehicle for a resurrection of the Nazi Reich.

Faked identities and hidden Nazi pasts were a recurring theme in Terry’s articles. Bormann did not become ‘Borner’, but many escaping Nazis did change their identities. Also in Terry’s sights were the likes of Otto Remer, ‘the new Nazi Fuhrer of Germany’, and Fritz Roessler, alias Franz Richter, a former Nazi leader with Soviet support who had apparently fooled the German and Allied authorities by ‘remarrying’ his own wife under a different name after the war.

It’s not clear if these articles were the result of Terry operating on his own initiative as a kind of private extension of his war crimes investigations work, or whether M.I.6 had steered him towards this topic. It might have been both. As well as his own imprisonment by the Nazis and interrogations of war criminals, Terry may have been motivated by a sense that the British government had not pursued these men as persistently as they should have done after the war, and in some cases had turned a blind eye to them. In a 1988 Sunday Times investigation into Wilhelm Mohnke, a former S.S major-general accused of ordering the murder of 80 unarmed British P.O.W.s in 1940, Terry commented:

‘There’s always been a reluctance on the part of Whitehall to pursue these people. I don’t know what the reasons were, but I discovered later there were political reasons why they didn’t want to pursue Nazis at that time. We certainly did our best to collect the material, but we were hamstrung in London.’

Whatever Terry’s motivation, thanks to files declassified in 2009 we know that his articles on Bormann met a chilly reception from some in British intelligence. After his February 1952 article was syndicated in several countries, the South African police sent the version published there to British military intelligence headquarters in Germany, asking if there were any truth to it. The article was also shared with M.I.6, whose reaction we don’t know, and M.I.5—who were distinctly unimpressed. A letter signed on behalf of Sir Percy Sillitoe, the head of the agency, singled Terry out for stinging criticism:

‘A British Press correspondent in Germany, named Antony TERRY, published last January a series of articles in the English Sunday newspaper “Empire News”, alleging that there was a widespread underground neo-Nazi movement active in Germany. The articles were exaggerated, sensational and distorted. Although links between neo-Nazi individuals or small groups and Communist agencies undoubtedly exist, there is no evidence of any large underground organisation. TERRY’s main source of information was Baron Gero von GALERA, who was born 17th May 1926, and is known to the authorities as a common swindler, who styles himself as a freelance journalist. He was at one time employed by the Amt fuer Verfassungsschutz in Berlin, but was dismissed for openly stating that he was so employed. His reports were described by the Head of that office as “packed with lies” and “fabricated”.’

Five months after this letter, American intelligence officials in Berlin arrested Gero Von Galera on suspicion of spying for the Russians.

It looks as if Terry had been duped by a dodgy source, of which there were plenty in Germany at the time. He might not have cared one way or the other, as claiming that the old bogeyman Nazi was now working as a ruthless secret agent for the new bogeymen Soviets had valuable propaganda value, and nobody could disprove his assertions. Only those really in the know—like the head of M.I.5—would be aware it was untrue, and even then doubts would always remain. Such might be the calculations of a busy reporter, and it would be naive to think Terry was above this considering his reliance on anonymous and unnamed sources in the intelligence world, and his hidden allegiance to M.I.6.

In the 1940s and ’50s, Terry openly admitted in several of his articles that the information in them originated from Allied officials, but they were not his only source in the intelligence world. In 1948, the British government set up the Information Research Department, a partially clandestine branch of the Foreign Office that produced a wealth of anti-Communist material and distributed it to selected journalists. Terry would likely also have been on their distribution list.

He would also have had local sources. Some, like Gero von Galera, might also have tried to feed him distortions or even outright fabrications. Another possible source along these lines is Werner Stephan, a former Gestapo officer given a four-year prison sentence in 1957 for selling thousands of pages of ‘secrets’ over a decade, all of which he had concocted at home using two typewriters. Terry’s report on the sentencing strikes a curiously bitter note as he celebrates the imprisonment of the ‘amateur spy’ and ‘dilettante’ who has now left the trade in intelligence in Berlin to the professionals. One might almost think he had been stung by the man himself.

But sometimes Terry was the one distorting information. For many years one of his most important sources was Tony Divall, an M.I.6 agent with his hands in all kinds of bizarre intrigues who fed Terry intelligence for decades. Divall had been in the Royal Marines in the Second World War and then joined T-Force, hunting down suspected war criminals in Germany. Terry might have first met him there. Recruited into M.I.6 in Germany, Divall had ‘developed a talent for running agents’ and had been placed in charge of an operation codenamed JUNK. This involved ‘an underground railway that ran agents and consignments of Swiss gold watches into the satellite states in exchange for defectors and illegal roubles’. According to an article on the ‘Goldfinger’-style operation by Terry in 1968, the double agent George Blake took over the running of JUNK in 1955 and blew it to his Soviet handlers.

Divall was also at various times an arms dealer in Hamburg and mixed up with mercenaries in Biafra and elsewhere, all the while working for M.I.6, until his relationship with ‘The Firm’ turned sour and he threatened to blow the whistle on their joint activities by way of a Spycatcher-style book. This never materialized.

Terry and Divall were close friends for decades, and what survives of their correspondence reads like a running commentary on the Cold War from two old hands. However, some of the material also shows that Terry distorted information Divall gave him.

In the winter of 1991, the publishing magnate Robert Maxwell was found dead in the sea after disappearing from his yacht. Born Ján Hoch in pre-Second World War Czechoslovakia, Maxwell was a controversial figure, and his death made headlines around the world. From New Zealand, Terry called Divall to see if he could provide any inside information Terry could give the Sunday Times. The transcript of the call has Divall claiming Maxwell had been deeply involved in espionage:

‘Can’t see a man of his type and mentality doing himself in. Somebody must have given him a push. He’s been involved with Mossad as a source, in connection with arms deals and in particular with the Bulgarian connection.’

Divall was convinced that Maxwell had been recruited while he was serving with the British Army in Germany, where he had met him in 1948. Hoch/Maxwell had been in charge of distributing quarters and furnishings in the British sector of Berlin, and Divall’s T-Force unit had discovered a house he was responsible for laden with loot. Divall now told Terry he was convinced that Soviet intelligence had backed Maxwell financially from immediately after the war, and that in return Maxwell had worked for them ever since—while also working for Mossad. Some of his musings on this veered into racial prejudice, alleging that as Maxwell wasn’t ‘a pure Czech’ but came from the Karpathenraus, this meant he had been ‘born into intrigue and duplicity’. His work for Mossad was also put down to his religion:

‘With Jewish people it’s all one firm, it’s like the Russians, they’re supposed to do it.’

A day later, Terry wrote to London:

‘Following our conversation I have had some talks to intelligence sources on the Mossad connection. They keep coming back to the Bulgarian operation…’

He then repeated Divall’s claims about that operation, before moving onto a new topic:

‘The other suggestion I have come across in conversation in these circles is that at least during his dates in the British army in Berlin after WWII (when he was in charge of providing accommodation in requisitioned headquarters for the British occupation forces) Maxwell was under suspicion of having NKVD and later KGB connections…’

This, too, was followed by a repetition of Divall’s claims about Maxwell’s activities. The precision of them makes it clear that his only source for both was Divall, but he had cleverly made his single spy seem like an army of them. The Bulgarian information was presented as having come from intelligence sources: plural. He then presented the allegations about wartime Soviet connection as if told at another time as part of ongoing discussion with ‘these circles’. Divall had told Terry he believed Maxwell had been ‘nothing more nor less than a bloody KGB agent’ all his life. Within a day, Terry had transformed Divall’s stream of theories into the detached and authoritative language of a newspaper report. Even if all Divall had said had been true, which seems doubtful, Terry had presented his one source as a conglomeration of sources, making it sound like he had been consulting a veritable den of spooks.

This is a rare glimpse into journalistic malpractice, as it comes from Terry’s own surviving papers, and it raises the obvious question of when else he had massaged information his sources gave him in this way.

However, it is undeniable that he was also capable of the fastidiousness of research so often mentioned in his obituaries. Ironically, this was often most in evidence when he was doing legwork for others. In 1956, Elizabeth Nicholas, a Sunday Times travel correspondent, asked Terry for his help on a book she was writing about seven female S.O.E. agents. Terry tracked down former concentration camp officials and was the first to find evidence that the unknown fourth agent who had been killed at Natzweiler, previously presumed to have been Noor Inayat Khan, was in fact another woman, Sonia Olschanezky.

~

Another theme Terry investigated in the 1950s was the clandestine construction by the Russians of a series of missile bases in Europe. In September 1949, after American spy planes detected radiation on the edge of the Kamchatka Peninsula, Harry Truman declared that the Soviet Union had tested a nuclear weapon for the first time. American and British intelligence had been caught by surprise: they had considered the Soviets several years away from achieving this. Overnight, the Cold War had become several degrees chillier, and rhetoric on both sides hardened as a result.

In the aftermath of Truman’s statement, newspapers in the West were filled with alarming stories of Soviet capabilities. One of the first, by the United Press agency, claimed that ‘Anglo-American intelligence sources’ had confirmed a report from a German expert who had escaped Russia that the Soviets had ‘virtually ringed Western Europe with secret V-2 rocket-launching bases’ aimed at strategic points ‘from the English Channel to the Adriatic’. Some of these bases were said to be in the vicinities of Cologne, the island of Rügen and the Brenner Pass between Italy and Austria.

This story was widely picked up by other agencies and newspapers, and was followed by similar claims from others. Antony Terry published several stories about Soviet missile bases in the next few years, with details about the locations, the personnel involved and the technology behind the weapons building on or in some cases contradicting his previous reports. All made for sensational reading.

In October 1952, Terry reported that Western intelligence had been startled by information from ‘reliable sources in the East German government’ that the Soviets were building a huge underground launching site off the tiny island off Walfisch, just 25 miles from the British Zone of Germany, with a larger base at Poel. The project was said to be under the technical leadership of German ‘wartime flying-bomb expert’ Professor Luettgens, who was under the close supervision of the Stasi in the Soviet Zone.

In February 1953, in an article headlined ‘Britain, Red Target’, Terry returned to the theme, claiming that Stalin was building a ‘secret, atom proof island fortress in the Baltic’. The alleged location was again Rügen, where locals had supposedly been evacuated and where thousands of slave labourers were now working in shifts to complete underground fortifications, U-boat pens and ‘missile-launching sites, some of them trained on London, Manchester and other big cities in Britain’. Three Soviet paratrooper divisions were said to have been flown in, and Russian torpedo bombers ‘piloted by women’ were already stationed there. Terry also reported that Marshal Zhukov had recently visited the island, and that the Soviets were working from a Nazi plan for a bomb-proof U-boat base. This connection to German wartime operations was highlighted with the mention of another location:

‘Using German rocket experts sent from Russia, and guarded day and night, the Soviets are hollowing out thousands of acres of cliffs on the island and at Peenemunde, where Hitler had his much-bombed rocket-research station.’

Three months later, Terry returned to the subject:

‘British intelligence in Germany, working on agents’ reports and cross-checked refugee stories, are now convinced that the Russians have a V-weapon arsenal more gigantic and deadly than anything Hitler ever hoped to control.’

Peenemünde is once again mentioned, and then we are informed that the Russians are ‘believed to have massed giant atomic-war like rockets which could destroy Europe in a night’. A couple of paragraphs later, he repeats the assertion that this emanates from intelligence sources:

‘This is what eye witnesses have told of the Soviet scheme—information which has been carefully cross-checked with secret intelligence sources.

The main flying bomb base which the Russians are building is centred around the Baltic port of Rostock.

Six underground rocket firing stations are located in an area of 20 miles square so cleverly concealed that they cannot be detected either from the ground or by aerial photograph.’

Terry claimed that Russia was using 20,000 German engineers and forced labour to put into effect its ‘fantastic plan’.

In January 1954, Terry branched out a little, with an article alleging that German scientists were building weapons in countries outside Europe, biding their time for when the Fatherland could once again become a great military power. He reported that Henrich Focke had spent a year in a secret factory in the Brazilian jungle ‘building a superhelicopter of his own design for the Brazilian Government’, and that several others were working in South America and even in the U.S. However, behind the Iron Curtain ‘German aircraft designers stand by their wind tunnels watching the results of their latest experiments, which the Kremlin hopes will put Russia ahead of the West in aircraft design’.

Like his stories about Martin Bormann, these articles clearly had a propaganda value for the West, as they were alleging secret war-mongering on the Soviets’ part and painting them as a major threat. Declassified but still partially-redacted C.I.A. files show that the United States gathered intelligence on Soviet activities along the Baltic coast from the late 1940s on. The agency collected material in the public domain, such as articles in the foreign press, as well as rumours and tip-offs. Dozens of such reports were collated, some from on-the-spot informants. Many were contradictory: the Soviets were said to be levelling an unusable German wartime installation and abandoning the area, or they were building a naval harbour in its place, or they were constructing a missile launch site, and so on.

This was military decision-making across a wide area over many years, and easily misinterpreted through Chinese whispers. The Soviets did develop their fortifications and bases around the Baltic during the Cold War, just as Western allies strengthened theirs. However, there’s no evidence of any serious intent to launch unprovoked strikes as Terry suggested in his articles, any more than the West had that intention. These bases were instead part of the stand-off between East and West that the Cold War embodied, codified as the ‘Mutually Assured Destruction’ model of deterrence once the nuclear arms race was underway. That’s not to say it was an impossibility that the Soviets might have launched an attack on the West, or that it wasn’t worth keeping an eye on, but the posture on both sides was fundamentally defensive.

But once again, the truth of his reports might have been a moot point for Terry. Like his articles on Martin Bormann, the claims were virtually impossible to disprove—even if the Soviets were to bother denying them, they wouldn’t have been believed. In some ways, then, he was doing much the same work as the C.I.A. analysts: reading material published in the German press and other open sources, seeking out sources of his own, and honing the details over several months.

But there are crucial differences. Intelligence agencies build up a picture through multiple reports, which they then analyse in context—in and among the rumours, distortions, Chinese whispers and fabrication, what is the probable truth of the matter? And even then, they can get things catastrophically wrong. But as well as working for M.I.6, Terry was writing for publication to tight deadlines, often filing several articles a week. The time and resources he had for evaluating his information was nowhere near comparable to the C.I.A.’s, and his motives were also different: his articles were not for figuring out the Soviets’ true intentions behind closed doors but were both his means of making a living and a way of attacking the Soviets publicly.

~

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Back in London, Ian Fleming appears to have been reading Terry’s articles about hidden missile bases with close interest. Fleming had by now become an author, with his first novel, Casino Royale, being published in March 1953, and his second, Live and Let Die, already written. With James Bond now in the world, Fleming was on the hunt for new ideas. In an essay written several years later, he gave the following advice to those wishing to follow in his footsteps as a thriller-writer:

‘You must know thrilling things before you can write about them. Imagination alone isn’t enough, but stories you hear from friends or read in the papers can be built up by a fertile imagination and a certain amount of research and documentation into incidents that will also ring true in fiction.’

Fleming acted on his own advice, and he had several advantages any aspiring thriller-writer would have given their right arm for: he was editing and commissioning articles for a newspaper group, often on topics he found personally interesting, and many of his friends and colleagues were former or serving intelligence officers. They had plenty of thrilling things to tell him that he could build up with his fertile imagination.

From the start of his career as a novelist, Fleming used the Mercury correspondents as his own private research bureau on the side. For Casino Royale, he sought out background information for the gambling scenes from Mercury’s correspondent in France, Stephen Coulter, who had been in the Royal Navy in the war and also had a history in intelligence. (Coulter would also go on to have a successful career as a thriller-writer.)

Of all the Mercury correspondents, Terry was the one he relied on most. Later, this would involve asking him directly for information, but even parts of his first novel evoke the tenor of Terry’s journalism. The villain, Le Chiffre, works for a Soviet intelligence agency, Smersh, not for ideological reasons but because he wants their financial backing. He is a mittel-European of the type that had been seen in the work of Eric Ambler and others, but he is also of a kind familiar from Terry’s reporting: a criminal backed by the Soviets, a displaced person with a mysterious past in Dachau, a survivor of the rubble and chaos of post-war Europe who has created a new life for himself under an assumed identity.

In September 1953, Fleming wrote to Terry in Berlin:

‘Dear Tony,

Many thanks for the V-2 book, and here is one more request. Has a book or a series of articles been published on the ‘Were-Wolves’ who were organised to harass us at the end of the war? Would you please let me have anything that there may be available? Incidentally, did they ever achieve anything? and what happened to them all?’

The Werewolves were the Nazis’ last-ditch guerrilla resistance movement, and Terry had written about an attempt to revive the phenomenon the previous year, writing of a ‘widespread plot to revive Hitler’s werewolf murder gangs’ in the American Zone that had included a list of political targets to be ‘liquidated’.

Terry might have forgotten this as he didn’t mention it in his reply to Fleming, instead noting that he wasn’t aware of any books about the Werewolves but that he recalled there had been rumours about them when he had been on the march out of Spangenberg at the end of the war. Or perhaps he judged it tactful not to respond to his boss by effectively telling him to look up what he had already written on the topic. The seemingly casual reference to his own extraordinary wartime experiences might also have served as a subtle reminder of just how in the know he was if Fleming were looking for an expert on such matters.

The book he had sent to Fleming looks to have been V-2 by Walter Dornberger, which had recently been published in Germany. Dornberger had headed the Nazis’ rocket programme, and Fleming presumably requested the book as a result of discussing Terry’s articles on the Soviets’ V-2 type bases with him.

The novel he was working on when he wrote this letter, Moonraker, would eventually feature a few technical terms from Dornberger’s book to help make his plot ‘ring true in fiction’. The novel’s focus is a base manned by German scientists housing an advanced rocket developed from the Nazis’ wartime V-2s to use against Britain, just as Terry had claimed was happening in reality. While the base in Moonraker is not in the Baltic but on the English coast, there are several other striking similarities: hollowed-out cliffs, references to Peenemünde, a plan for a devastating first strike against the West. In May 1953, Terry had claimed in one of his articles that two German defectors to the West had provided vivid details of the activities at the bases near Rostock and Gellenstrom and a training camp in Kaliningrad:

‘The V-weapon men wear a characteristic blue-green stripe on their shoulder pieces and caps. All have taken an oath of secrecy not to reveal details of their work or its location.’

This reads unmistakeably like a description of what we now view as the classic ‘Bond villain base’ convention: a secret army of fanatics, all wearing their own uniforms, hard at work on a fantastical plan to blow the West to smithereens with advanced missiles.

This is now a standard trope in the thriller genre, but its first appearance was in the novel Moonraker. In Chapter 12 of the novel, Bond inspects the base being overseen by Sir Hugo Drax, and finds a group of experts with ‘the look of a well-knit team, almost of a brotherhood’, and goes on to note their clothing:

‘With the exception of Drax they all wore the same tight nylon overalls fastened with plastic zips. There was nowhere a hint of metal and none wore spectacles…’

Later, when Drax is revealed as the villain, he regales Bond with his life story. Like Martin Bormann, he is a Nazi war criminal who vanished at the end of the war—but, as in Terry’s reporting, he survived and is now in league with the Soviets. His backstory includes a stint in the Werewolves at the end of the war and culminates in his becoming a rich man visiting Moscow with plans to destroy Britain:

‘“I got to the right people. They listened to my plans. They gave me Walter, the new genius of their guided missile station at Peenemunde, and the good Russians started to build the atomic warhead,” he gestured up to the ceiling, “that is now waiting up there…”’

Drax’s aim is to attack Britain with a missile, echoing Terry’s articles on the Soviets’ bases and intentions against the West in general and Britain in particular.

Fleming’s letters to Terry about Werewolves and V-2s establish that he was an influence on Moonraker, while Terry’s articles on rocket bases in the Baltic suggest either a closer reading of them by Fleming or, perhaps more likely, the subject gradual seeping into his consciousness through exposure to Terry’s repeated reporting on it.

Jeremy Duns
IV. Terryland

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


Fleming asked Terry for his advice and expertise on several further occasions, and seems to have consistently received answers that went well beyond the tasks set for him. In February 1954, Terry replied to a request from Fleming for information on escape routes for agents from East to West with several pages of detailed material in English and German. Terry managed to provide this even when reporting from the Four Power Conference in Berlin, which was then taking place in near-Arctic temperatures.

In his accompanying letter, Terry stated that the information provided in the dossier was ‘authentic’, and it certainly reads as such, with details including that Soviet agents were usually appropriately dressed in Western-made clothing but could sometimes be betrayed by their shirts, which tended to be made in East Germany. It could again have been a case of Terry being fed intelligence by a dubious source, but it reads much more like the raw, unvarnished material of real tradecraft.

And yet Fleming didn’t use any of it. It could be that it came too late in the publishing process for him, or was more detailed for what he had in mind. In the end, Moonraker only contained a brief reference to Bond memorizing ‘a long type-written memorandum headed Mainline: A well-established Escape Route from East to West.’

It could also be that the material rang too true. Fleming was not interested in exploring the full dimension of the despair and futility of the espionage business, but was looking for a veneer of authenticity that could dilute some of the more sensational elements of his work. Terry’s pages presented a bleaker vision of the intelligence world than one sees in most of Fleming’s fiction, with desperate refugees making their way by foot across Europe for unseen spymasters.

In June 1956, Ian Fleming and his wife Ann visited Bonn, during which they finally met the Terrys. Fleming was now working on From Russia, With Love, and had created the character of Rosa Klebb, based in part on reports of one of Nicolai Khokhlov’s instructors, a Major Tamara Nicolayeva Ivanova. On hearing this, Rachel Terry entertained Fleming by telling him about Emma Wolff, the hideous Soviet intelligence officer she and Antony had dined with in Vienna on the arrangement of Peter Smolka. Fascinated, Fleming rejigged Klebb, incorporating some of the physical characteristics of Wolff he had been told by Rachel.

On his return home, he wrote to Antony thanking the two of them for their hospitality, and for a copy of Time Right Deadly. This was a thriller written by Rachel under the pseudonym Sarah Gainham, which was due to be published the following month. Fleming promised to try to ‘shovel it into the Kemsley machine’, ie secure a review of the novel in the Sunday Times or another of the group’s newspapers. He added that the first chapter looked ‘very promising’, and in a postscript noted that Rachel had also written him a charming letter.

A few weeks later, he wrote to Terry again, saying he needed ‘a couple of addresses in Berlin’ for his ‘next opus’, i.e. From Russia, With Love. These labours would be in exchange for his ‘I hope successful, efforts to get Sarah Gainham’s excellent work into the Sunday Times and also the Group machinery’.

One would forgive the Terrys if they had been irritated by this approach. Firstly, Fleming had offered to do this in his previous letter without attaching any conditions to it. Now he was positioning help Antony gave him with his new book as payment for aiding his wife’s career—and there was no consideration that she might have deserved such a review in the newspaper without it.

Fleming could also easily have written the review himself. He knew from his own experiences with Raymond Chandler how powerful an endorsement from an established writer could be for a new author on the scene, and he had reviewed books by friends and acquaintances without any apparent fear of a conflict of interest. Just eleven days before writing this letter, in fact, he had reviewed Eric Ambler’s The Night-Comers in the Sunday Times, calling it an ‘excellent thriller’; Ambler’s publisher were using an excerpt from the review, with Fleming’s name attached, in press ads by the end of the month. Even a single word he used in his letter to Terry (‘excellent’), if published with his name attached, could have been a major boon to Gainham’s career at this point, and he surely knew it. Perhaps he didn’t genuinely believe the novel was excellent, or perhaps there was some other reason, a submerged dynamic lost in British obliqueness and politesse.

At any rate, Fleming now had three fresh requests. He wanted the address of British military intelligence headquarters in Berlin’s Western sector about five years earlier, as well as ‘a sensible sounding address’ in the same sector ‘for the head of a German Intelligence Group working for the British and Americans’. The final request was thrown in as though it were a small piece of sub-editing:

‘Please correct and expand with geographical details the following sentence: ‘When he had collected the day’s outgoing mail from the Military Intelligence Headquarters he made straight for the Russian sector, waited with his engine running until the British Control gate was opened to allow a taxi through, and then himself tore through the closing gate at 40 m.p.h. and skidded to a stop beside the concrete pill-box of the Russian frontier post.’’

The first two items were probably fairly easy for someone of Terry’s experience to answer, but the last might have intimidated him a little. This was a much bolder request than previous ones. In effect, Fleming was asking him to fill in a piece of a Bond novel. In addition, he didn’t provide any context for the scene the excerpt would feature in, how much he wanted it expanded, or even who the character involved would be—Terry, not unreasonably, assumed it was James Bond, although in fact it was for a scene featuring Red Grant.

Fleming treated it like just another Atticus request, as he had done for his earlier question on the Werewolves, but Terry was not a novelist. It took him three days to reply. Accompanying the 3,000-word response was a casual-sounding note that surely belied the effort that had been put into compiling it; in it, Terry said the document had been a combined effort with his wife, who would gladly provide more details if required.

The document is fascinating in several ways. As with the material on escape routes, this was a dispatch from the world of real espionage. A journalist and M.I.6 operative gathered intelligence on the Berlin sectors and spy groups in the city, and his wife, who would become one of the Cold War’s finest spy novelists, refashioned the raw material. Instead of simply presenting Fleming with one possibility, they provided him with three alternatives, one of which read:

‘…from the office he made straight for the Soviet Sector, down the Charlottenburger-chausse [note: it is now renamed Strasse des 17 Juni after the ’53 riots] and turned half-left at the gilded Victory Column looming over the deserted wastes of the Tiergarten. Just like Hitler to have thought that thing beautiful and to have moved it where it could be staring in its pinchbeck grandeur up the wide boulevard he had just come down…. As he waited for the lounging blackclad People’s policeman to come up to him he saw the white caps and fluttering aprons of a group of nurses from the Charite Hospital across the road…’

This gives us an intriguing glimpse into what someone other than Fleming writing Bond at this point might have looked like. While such a thought would have been anathema while Fleming was alive, it doesn’t read as strangely as one might think. It’s not a pastiche, and it’s in keeping with the mood of the opening Fleming had provided. It’s a long way from the more fantastical side to his writing, but many of his novels and stories contain scene-setting descriptions that use precisely this kind of detailed but briskly inserted local knowledge and inside expertise. (Indeed, Fleming had contacted Terry to obtain that.) It’s easy enough to imagine such a passage in From Russia, With Love, one of the most down-to-earth of the Bond novels.

Fleming replied two days later thanking Terry for the ‘vast and splendid memorandum’, adding:

‘You really shouldn’t have taken so much trouble. You have practically written a thriller and I was fascinated by all the gen.’

However, other than adding in a reference to the Reichskanzlerplatz he didn’t use any of the material, as he hadn’t with his earlier request on East-West escape routes. The fulsome thanks reads like a very British sort of polite exaggeration employed when something isn’t quite right. The information might have been too detailed or unadaptable for what he had in mind for the scene, or possibly intimidating: the level of expertise employed in the passages is somewhat overwhelming. To modern eyes (at least these ones), much of the material wouldn’t have seemed out of place in the novel, and could even have enhanced it, but it might have struck Fleming very differently. He was insecure about his writing ability at the best of times, particularly as his wife and many of her literary friends were very snooty about it. But Fleming was also in the midst of writing a novel, and writers are often even more insecure then. He’d asked for a sentence to be corrected and had received excerpts from several brilliant alternate thrillers in return. He might well have been worried that some of the passages appeared better crafted than his own efforts.

In August 1959, Fleming turned once again to Terry, this time for personal advice. He wanted to buy a new car: was a convertible model of the Mercedes 220 SE available? Terry sent him the catalogue, and Fleming then flew to Germany to visit him, with Terry showing him around Hamburg and crossing the border into East Berlin. The next May, Fleming was back in the city and was met by Rachel and Antony, who now gave him one of his ‘spook’s tours’ of the city, introducing him to a German agent working for the British in East Berlin. Terry was no longer providing text about escape routes and checkpoint controls, but an experience of the espionage world up-close.

Fleming wrote about his travels in Germany for the Sunday Times, who were keen to capitalize on the growing fame of their writer. One article turned into several, and before long Fleming was on an all-expenses-paid round-the-world trip. In September 1960, Fleming asked Terry for help with Thrilling Cities, a book that compiled these travel articles. Like other Mercury correspondents who had hosted him on his travels, Terry provided a mass of detailed information about restaurants, hotels and night clubs to visit in Hamburg, Berlin and Vienna, virtually all of which made it into the book unchanged.

Shortly after, Fleming was succeeded as Foreign Manager of the Sunday Times by Frank Giles. By now Mercury, judged too costly for its contributions, had been wound down. Terry continued as a senior correspondent for the Sunday Times in Paris and reported from Budapest, Biafra and finally New Zealand.

Terry’s influence on Fleming went much deeper than providing him with occasional background information. Dozens of letters between the two men survive, but they also talked regularly on the telephone, and met. Over the years, they became friends. Terry was Fleming’s chief link with the realities of Cold War espionage in the field and those insights, along with his investigations into war criminals propped up by Soviet intelligence and Nazi treasure hidden in lakes or beer cellars, all gradually seeped into the bloodstream of Fleming’s fictional universe.

One example of Terry’s incremental influence is Octopussy, a short story published after Fleming’s death. It’s perhaps his most intimate piece of published writing, with the character of Major Dexter Smythe a savagely warped self-portrait of an ageing spook living on unearned wealth in the tropics. The story harked back once more to the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, and to several topics Terry had been involved in and written about: war crimes, hidden Nazi gold and dark secrets emerging from the past. In a 1966 review in The Spectator, Philip Larkin noted that it was easy to see Smythe’s career as ‘an allegory of the life of Fleming himself! The two Reichsbank gold bars that the major smuggles out of the army on his discharge from the Miscellaneous Objectives Bureau are Fleming’s wartime knowledge and expertise; he emigrates to Jamaica and lives on them—selling a slice every so often through the brothers Foo (presumably his publishers), and securing everything his heart desires: Bentleys, caviare, Henry Cotton golf clubs.’

Some aspects of Smythe’s career also closely echoed Antony Terry’s: we learn that he volunteered for the Commandos in the war, and his fluent German had ‘earned him the unenviable job of being advanced interrogator on Commando operations across the Channel’, precisely the role Terry had volunteered for in the St Nazaire raid. Smythe was decorated for his role in the war—an O.B.E. (Military) rather than Terry’s Military Cross—and then roamed Germany with a British unit tracking down fugitive Nazis, again very much as Terry had done. Although not a central focus, once again the intriguing details of Terry’s life and expertise had crept into Fleming’s work.

Perhaps the best example of this is The Living Daylights. In October 1961, Fleming once again wrote to Terry asking for help on geographical matters in Berlin: he wanted to check which sector the building he had set a short story was in. He added that he hoped the story would ‘arouse memories of our stay in Berlin and of the ‘friend’ we met when there’. This was a reference to Fleming’s visit to Terry the previous year, and the British agent he had introduced him to.

Four days later, Terry replied that the address Fleming had given was in the U.S. sector, and informed him that it was currently closed to civilian traffic because the road led to Checkpoint Charlie ‘and the West Berlin authorities try to discourage West Berliners from going there in case there is trouble at the border like last weekend when they tried to beat up some Russians’. He added some further incidental information Fleming might find useful.

On the surface, Terry’s input here might seem insignificant, but the resulting story was a kind of culmination of his influence on Fleming. In the years since Fleming had posted him to Germany, many of his articles about the strange and sinister ‘spy jungle’ of Berlin had crossed his boss’s desk and, as Fleming had mentioned, his recent visit to Terry had also left an impression. Now he had decided to take James Bond there.

This was far from an obvious step to take, as he usually sent Bond to much more exotic locales—007 rarely approaches the Iron Curtain. But while Fleming hadn’t made direct use of Terry’s dossier about escape routes for Moonraker, or his detailed material on movements in Berlin for From Russia, With Love, the atmosphere of them all dominated The Living Daylights.

The story concerns an agent working for the British, codenamed 272, who has been ‘holed up in Novaya Zemlya since the war’, as M tells Bond in his clipped briefing for his mission:

‘Now he’s trying to get out—loaded with stuff. Atomic and rockets. And their plan for a whole new series of tests. For nineteen sixty-one. To put the heat on the West. Something to do with Berlin. Don't quite get the picture, but the FO says if it’s true it's terrific. Makes nonsense of the Geneva Conference and all this blather about nuclear disarmament the Communist bloc is putting out. He’s got as far as East Berlin. But he’s got practically the whole of the KGB on his tail—and the East German security forces, of course. He’s holed up somewhere in East Berlin, and he got one message over to us. That he’d be coming across between six and seven p.m. on one of the next three nights—tomorrow, next day, or next day. He gave the crossing point.’

Due to a double agent, the KGB knows when and where 272 will make a run for it back into West Berlin, and have put their best sniper on the job to shoot him as he crosses. Bond has to kill the sniper before he (or, as it turns out, she) kills 272.

The story is much more downbeat and sophisticated than most of Bond’s other adventures, an examination of the low-key spy war taking place across the no man’s land between East and West. When Bond arrives at the address in Berlin, he observes the ‘waist-high weeds and half-tidied rubble walls stretching away to a big deserted crossroads lit by a central cluster of yellowish arc lamp’. Rather than being tortured by Smersh operatives or put through obstacle courses by Fu Manchu-style masterminds, Bond now has to do battle with the K.G.B. Bond the famous man of action is forced to sit in the dark like a real spy… and wait.

The plot, too, bears Terry’s imprint. Fleming’s letter makes clear that 272 is at least in part inspired by the ‘friend’ Terry introduced him to, a man who was either one of his journalistic sources or agents, or quite plausibly both: the roles had, from the start and with Fleming’s aid, intertwined. 272’s intelligence—‘atomic and rockets’, ‘a whole new series of tests’—also recall Terry’s succession of stories from the previous decade. James Bond is no longer in his usual world of casinos and yachts. He is in Terryland.

Jeremy Duns
V. Out of the Shadows

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


Terryland was not simply the world of Antony Terry: it was also the world of his wife. Rachel’s acquaintance with Ian Fleming also had an impact on the Bond novels, and it too went deep, with the two influencing each other. Parts of The Living Daylights built on the facts of Antony’s world, but the prose is often reminiscent of the descriptive passages about Berlin in the material he’d requested for From Russia, With Love—and the subsequent thrillers by the woman who had crafted them.

Rachel Terry would no doubt have been intrigued to meet her husband’s boss in 1956, partly to see the man Antony was going to such trouble for around the clock, and for whom she had worked for in her way, but also because by then he was a successful novelist. It may be that Fleming’s success had contributed to her feeling she could try her own hand at thriller-writing, despite Antony disapproving of her having a career. Their marriage ended in 1960: by then she had started her own affair. When she left Terry, he cut her off financially and she had to support herself. She did this through writing thrillers and finding work as a political journalist specialising in Central European affairs. By the late ’50s, she was writing for The Spectator, Encounter and others. She eventually also became an acclaimed and best-selling literary novelist.

She was helped at an early stage by Fleming. Although he didn’t use the material she had prepared with Antony in From Russia, With Love, he did soon recognize her talents. He perhaps should have spotted it earlier. Two and a half years before she had gripped his attention with her tales of Emma Wolff in Vienna, he had been informed that his correspondent’s wife was a force in her own right. In late 1953, Antony had interviewed Frank Kelly, a British soldier who had been released by the Soviets after seven years’ imprisonment for espionage, for the Empire News. The paper’s editor, George Grafton Green, sent Fleming a memorandum about his reporting:

‘We are accustomed to getting good service from Terry in Berlin but I think he has really surpassed himself in his handling for us of the Kelly story at Hanover. It involved a good deal of very delicate manoeuvring and Terry brought his wife to help him, with the most satisfactory results. I am sure the presence of Mrs. Terry did a great deal towards establishing the sort of atmosphere in which negotiations could go on smoothly.’

Fleming forwarded this on to Antony with a handwritten note reading ‘Hear Hear! & Happy Christmas to you both.’

Antony was an old-school reporter, adept at hunting down facts and marshalling them, either for a lucid summary of political developments or in a more sensational format that would grab readers’ attention. But Rachel had sensitivity, empathy and another kind of insight into people, places and events.

Fleming seems to have realized this in late 1956. The Terrys were in Budapest during the Hungarian Uprising, and Fleming took the unusual step of publishing a long report by her on the situation as she had experienced it in the British Legation. It had a light touch, complete with British stiff upper lip humour, but also a vividness and attention to detail that was lacking in most foreign correspondents’ reports, including her husband’s. She ended the piece on a chilling note, describing the noise of passing tanks on the city’s cobbled streets:

‘After they passed, shadows flitted along the street from door to door. Sometimes they got shot. One man lay on the pavement for three days. Someone put a newspaper over his face. The Russians did not bother about their dead. They never left the safety of their steel monsters.’

The report was published in Atticus, which rarely featured bylines or political reporting. It was introduced as being by ‘Mrs Antony Terry, the wife of our correspondent’, who was ‘with him in the Budapest Legation until last Sunday’, and was accompanied by a photograph of her captioned ‘Mrs Antony Terry—alias Sarah Gainham the novelist’.

How or why this made it into Atticus is unclear; even presented as a kind of letter home from a correspondent’s wife, it was totally at odds with the column’s usual tone and content. One can imagine an editorial wrangle and Fleming insisting it go into the paper somehow or other. It was a small gesture, perhaps, but it would have reached a wide audience, and it seems to have been her first credited piece of journalism in print.

The events in Budapest were instrumental in Gainham’s development as a writer. She had seen menace and violence in Vienna, but despite the tone of her Atticus piece this had been another experience entirely, and the terror instilled by totalitarian rule informed most of her work for the rest of her life.

It was of course probably no coincidence that she and Antony were in the British Legation in Budapest during the uprising—M.I.6 would have received their own reports from Antony. A proximity to violence seems not to have ruffled him. Just as he had unthinkingly set out into the streets of St Nazaire in 1942, in Budapest he paid little attention to his own personal safety, as the British journalist Peter Fryer revealed in his account of the uprising:

‘Antony Terry of the Sunday Times, his wife and I had crossed the ‘lines’ (in fact, of course, there were no real lines—just pockets of resistance) without realising it, into an area, five minutes away from the National Theatre, where brisk fighting was still going on. I felt not in the least brave, but Terry insisted on forging ahead, heedless of prowling tanks and stray bullets. He ventured into the Lenin körút, a centre of heavy battles, amid the bricks and the stinking corpses, with me creeping after him, trying to look small and not worth shooting. A Freedom Fighter in a steel helmet, hidden in a doorway near one of the 95 damaged cinemas, told us to get to hell out of it. ‘Fine,’ said Terry, ‘I just wanted to make sure they had bazookas. That bloke had.’ In my fear I had not even noticed.’

By 1956, Rachel was starting to emerge from her husband’s shadow, and she pulled few punches in doing so. Although framed as a crime novel, Time Right Deadly feels more like it belongs to the espionage genre, in the same way The Third Man does. As it is also set in the fog of post-war Vienna, it can’t help but recall that film. The plot revolves around the murder of a British journalist, Julian Dryden, in the Russian sector of the city, and set out the stall for many of her subsequent books: thrillers containing a background depicting the harsh realities of life behind the Iron Curtain; deep knowledge of the worlds of European politics, journalism and intelligence; and beautifully written insights into human behaviour under intense pressure.

Time Right Deadly was not reviewed in the Sunday Times, but it gained a fair amount of momentum anyway and was short-listed for a Crime Writers’ Association Crossed Red Herring (the precursor of the Gold Dagger award for the year’s best crime novel). The jacket flap stated that Gainham knew ‘at first hand what she is writing about’ on account of living in Central Europe with her foreign correspondent husband, but this turned out to be a double-edged point to advertise. Most reviewers agreed that the book’s background rang true, but some simply took her expertise as an adjunct of Terry’s. ‘The story is as exciting and convincing as one would expect from the wife of a foreign correspondent’ was the Oxford Mail’s verdict, damning her with her own blurb.

Few seemed to notice that the novel’s murder victim is a philandering British journalist with the same scansion to his name as her husband. But he would have done.

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In the next four years four more Sarah Gainham thrillers were published, all of them remarkable. They share a claustrophobic atmosphere with the works of Graham Greene and Eric Ambler, but have their own unique stamp.

In these novels, she made extensive use of topics and settings she knew from her life with Terry, and the plots often feel like the behind-the-scenes stories of his articles—and his spying. We know from various accounts, including a couple by his own hand, that Terry worked for M.I.6 while a journalist, but the precise details of his espionage activities have yet to be declassified (and might never be). Under the guise of fiction, Gainham revealed a wealth of information about precisely what Western intelligence got up to behind the Iron Curtain, and the psychological toll it often took on its practitioners.

In the 1970s, Gainham stated that she often used real incidents as the basis for her plots, and outlined her motives for doing so:

‘I had a special feeling for using the thriller as a vehicle for ideas, or rather anti-Russian propaganda. All the best spy thrillers whose origins are known seem to be based on reality. Certainly my own stories were: they are not really fiction at all, only written as fiction.’

A case in point is her second novel, The Cold Dark Night, published in January 1957. Set in Berlin during the aforementioned Four Power Conference of 1954, it is stuffed with the kind of ‘gen’ she had helped provide Fleming for From Russia, With Love, but of course now on entirely her own terms.

Most of the main characters are Western correspondents occupying the city, and we learn about their daily work and play: the round of diplomatic parties, nights out venturing through checkpoints, the constant calls from waiters to the telephone to report back to London, the sound-proof booths in the Press Centre. It all feels entirely authentic, as does the depiction of daily life among the ruined city for locals.

But a major theme of the book is Western intelligence’s exploitation of desperate refugees as spies in East Germany, and the mechanics of espionage traffic between the sectors. This was very much of the same stamp as the information on escape routes in 1954, which she had probably also had a hand in providing, and at the same time is part of the same world Fleming would send James Bond into for The Living Daylights three years later, bringing the influence full circle. The action is worlds away from Terry’s ‘tabloiditis’ fantasies of Martin Bormann running Soviet spy schools: this is the nitty-gritty of espionage in the back alleys of Cold War Berlin. In a preface to the first edition, Gainham noted that all the characters were invented but one:

‘“Horst Schill” was a real man, and his story is true. Unfortunately, it was not possible to ask his permission to include him. He has gone where nobody is likely ever again to ask his leave for anything.’

Perhaps this was judged to be a little too close to the bone, as subsequent editions dropped it. Schill appears to have been based on Hans Bartschat, an East German soldier who defected to West Berlin only to be sent back by American intelligence for 20 dollars a trip, before finally being arrested in the Soviet Zone. The details of his and his wife’s predicament match that of the novel, and Terry reported on the case in 1954, the same year as the book is set.

The protagonist of the novel, a journalist, has a one-night-stand with Schill’s wife, and it may be that Gainham was exorcising some ghosts in her failing marriage. The plotline also feels like a rebuke to Terry professionally, in particular his agent-running activities. It is unlikely Bartschat was one of Terry’s agents, as he had written about him in print, but we know he ran agents and, from his trip to East Berlin with Ian Fleming, that he had at least one man there. Terry sometimes dismissively referred to Germans as ‘gooks’, dehumanizing them, and the novel highlights the desperation of Eastern refugees’ thrown to the wolves by uncaring Allied spymasters too afraid to do the dirty work themselves. ‘They play at security,’ Horst Schill’s wife remarks at one point:

‘They’re safe enough. Only the outside agents are in danger and they don’t count. They’re ‘gooks’. I think that means foreigners, or perhaps Germans. But all that rendezvous with passwords stuff… that’s just for fun.’

The novel suggests that the Horst Schills of the world were all too replaceable for their handlers in the West. Most ‘272s’ probably weren’t unlucky enough to face KGB snipers on crossing back into West Berlin, but some ended up in East German prisons.

Although it isn’t named in the novel, the American intelligence group in West Berlin using a naturalized German as an agent-runner was almost certainly inspired by the Gehlen organization. The novel also features a scandal involving a British official in black marketeering after the war being blackmailed into spying by the Soviets as a result. This reads remarkably like some of the information Terry later investigated concerning Robert Maxwell, suggesting that those allegations were already in currency in the ’50s.

~

Gainham’s next novel, The Mythmaker, published in late 1957, was set in Austria shortly after the Second World War. The protagonist is a half-British, half-Hungarian agent, Captain Christian ‘Kit’ Quest. He is sent by British intelligence to Vienna to find Otto Berger, Hitler’s devoted personal servant, who is believed to have escaped the Bunker in Berlin and hidden a cache of platinum and precious stones to be used to fund a neo-Nazi revival: the book ends with a chase through a tunnel in the Alps.

This echoed her husband’s reporting on Martin Bormann and other escaped Nazis planning a revival of the Third Reich, but the novel also seems to contain a light critique of Fleming’s work. The name ‘Kit Quest’ sounds like a pastiche of James Bond, as well as being a play on the tradition of gallant spies fighting for God and country. As with Bond in Casino Royale, Quest is a handsome, somewhat arrogant young agent who ruthlessly uses women for his own pleasure with minimal emotional commitment, who falls unexpectedly in love:

‘In Kit’s many small loves his main preoccupation had been to protect himself from involvement without losing his pleasure. A vulgar concern which was not his choice but simply the accepted attitude to love of nearly all young men of his kind, and the very worst preparation possible for the feelings that now filled him. Not only was Deli a member of his own world and therefore not to be trifled with without serious consequences, but he found with a momentary fear that only traces remained of his habitual self-defence against emotion, he was defenceless against her simply because she was unarmed and brave. Yet he could not at once give up the essentially hostile posture which had hitherto been his real attitude to the women he had desired and who had desired him. This fear and this reservation showed in his eyes after the first flash of recognition, and in answer to them a familiar smile of ironical understanding came into Deli’s eyes. Kit looked away from her, shamed that he had betrayed a coarse caution in a moment that could never return, and spoilt it for both of them.

‘Let’s dance,’ said Deli, still with the ironical smile.’

Quest’s selfish desire to ‘protect himself from involvement without losing his pleasure’ and reluctance to relinquish his ‘real’ attitude to women—an ‘essentially hostile posture’—recalls that of Bond’s on meeting Vesper, when he wants to ‘shatter, roughly’ her candid gaze with its ‘touch of ironical disinterest’.

There might also have been a subtle dissection of Bond’s creator beneath this. A couple of years after she wrote The Mythmaker, Ian Fleming had tried to seduce her on one of his visits to Berlin. By then she had been estranged from Antony and had been tempted by the offer. She thought Fleming ‘highly intelligent and accomplished’, as well as ‘tall, good-looking, highly presentable and with the slightly piratical air given by his broken nose’. Nevertheless, she turned him down, thinking his emotional age was set at ‘pre-puberty’. However, the two had first met in June 1956, around which time she would have been writing or planning this novel, and she would have had plenty of time to size him up.

Gainham was now starting to establish her reputation as a top-notch thriller-writer. Christopher Pym gave The Mythmaker a rave review in The Spectator, calling it ‘ingenious, stylish, amusingly informative’ and ‘well-plotted’, while in The Observer Maurice Richardson felt it a ‘well-written, thoughtful and intelligent thriller’.

Her next novel was The Stone Roses, published in 1959. It’s chiefly remembered now as a footnote in popular culture because of the British band that took its name from it, but it’s a brilliant spy novel. Set in May 1948, the narrator is Toby Elyot, a British correspondent who served with the commandos and S.O.E. during the Second World War. He has now been approached by an old S.O.E. colleague, who asks him on behalf of British intelligence to find and exfiltrate a local agent working for them in Prague, using his civilian job as cover. He is initially reluctant:

‘I wanted to go on being a foreign correspondent and I could think of nothing that would disqualify me so thoroughly as getting mixed up with that crazy outfit again. Whatever it calls itself now.’

However, he then realizes that his press employers won’t disapprove of him carrying out such a job, because they are in on the idea. As a result, he re-evaluates:

‘If that was the wheel within the other wheels I could do nothing but harm to myself but refusing. So I haggled for a bit, refusing to take pay, making a favour of it. And finally agreed on condition that I wasn’t to be asked again.’

One has to wonder what Antony Terry, Ian Fleming and their masters in M.I.6 thought of Terry’s wife writing thrillers in which British journalists are shown to be working under cover for intelligence. The book effectively blew Terry’s cover and indeed the very existence of the BIN network, but perhaps as it was presented both as fiction and in plain sight it was dismissed: ‘The wife of a foreign correspondent, just fantasies—nobody takes thrillers seriously.’ Nevertheless, at least one American reviewer noted it:

‘Perhaps she does the cause of Western diplomacy no favor when, after pointing out that all Communist newspaper reporters are spies, she attires in the same sort of cloak a British newsman, Toby Elyot.’

Elyot is an intriguing protagonist. The mechanics of his dual roles as correspondent and intelligence operative are clearly closely modelled on Terry’s experiences, but his character is much closer to that of James Bond, a coolly efficient and ruthless British agent hiding a romantic streak. Although the background and prose are still reminiscent of Greene and Ambler, this is the closest Gainham came to writing something akin to Fleming at any length, and one can readily imagine aspects of it appearing in a Bond story, particularly the antagonist, Colonel Franciska Horak, a chilling young Soviet agent who wears full motorcycle leathers and passes for a man. She’s a brilliant creation, and all but steals the novel from the other characters.

In the early days of her career, Gainham was seen as a dilettante. Part of this is likely down to good old-fashioned sexism. At the time, it was rare enough for women to be taken seriously as journalists, and in the thriller field Gainham was rarely considered alongside the likes of Ambler or Greene, as her male contemporaries were. In an interview in the 1970s, she said she had ‘always wished I had taken a man's name for my pseudonym’, and it’s hard not to agree that she might have become a lot better known as a spy novelist had she done so.

Attitudes to her work gradually changed with each successive novel, and changed irrevocably in 1967 with the publication of Night Falls On The City. This was not only a brilliant novel but became an international best-seller, topping the New York Times list for months and giving her financial security for the rest of her life.

Set in Vienna at the onset of the Anschluss, it and two sequels traced the lives of a cast of characters coming face to face with life under Nazi rule. The books were a departure in that they were not thrillers or set in the Cold War, but many of her old hallmarks were there.

In 1983, Gainham returned to the world of her earlier work one last time with The Tiger, Life, her final novel. Almost completely forgotten now, it deserves to be known as a classic of spy fiction. All the themes of her earlier thrillers are there, but with the freedom, assurance and maturity of her Night Falls trilogy.

Set, like The Cold Dark Night, among the British press community of Berlin in the early Cold War, the novel is a slow-burning masterpiece. No longer the basis for a flawed hero, Terry here is barely disguised as Freddie Ingram, an outwardly eminent foreign correspondent and abusive husband who is also working for British intelligence. The protagonist is Gainham herself in the guise of Rose, Freddie’s wife, who is underestimated by him and most other characters but works out what’s going on beneath the surface of events and forges a new life for herself from the ashes of her ruined marriage. The novel lays to rest the ghost of Terry once and for all, and her portrait of him in particular is damning.

Terry read the book, but either misunderstood or pretended to misunderstand how badly he came out of it. In a 1987 letter he mentioned that he had recently celebrated 60 years as a journalist and 40 years with the Sunday Times by being interviewed on the radio in New Zealand, where he then lived:

‘The forty years’ anniversary goes back to my being hired by Ian Fleming in 1947 to be the Vienna correspondent, after my seven years in the army. In Vienna I was actually doing two rather exciting jobs, but after what happened to poor old Peter Wright recently I was a bit disconcerted to find that my activities in this field have received an unwanted airing by someone here somehow identifying me as the non-hero character in that bestseller about espionage in post-war Berlin by my former wife Rachel, pen name Sarah Gainham. The reputation I have acquired from her description of her journalist husband is of a tough, fast-living, ruthless 007 (or in the words of the Sunday Telegraph lady reviewer, ‘a clever bully’, though in the personal sense I must admit Rachel let me off rather lightly). She turned the story round a bit to cover her tracks and made what happened in Vienna happen in Berlin but most of the characters are well drawn from life and in most cases quite identifiable.’

This letter is an admission in his own hand that he had worked for M.I.6 while working for Fleming at the Sunday Times during the Cold War, but it also shows just how closely Gainham cleaved to reality in her novels. Terry was right that Freddie Ingram was a ‘non-hero’, tough and ruthless, but he is a world away from 007: he’s one of the most chilling and loathsome characters in spy fiction. At one point, he insists Rose have an abortion despite it endangering her life, an event that seems to have been even more shocking in reality. A friend found her alone, ‘lying in a pool of blood’, her husband having deliberately abandoned her. This was a side of Antony Terry that didn’t make it into his obituaries.

Jeremy Duns
VI. Through The Looking Glass

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


Judging by Sarah Gainham’s novels, various memoirs and his own correspondence, M.I.6 made ample use of Antony Terry’s journalistic postings during the Cold War. Not all their picks proved so fruitful. A story recently appeared in the British press that shed new light on the BIN network, and its shortcomings.

In February 2018, the Sunday Times reported that, following the defections to Moscow of Soviet agents Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean in 1951, another diplomat came forward and confessed to the Foreign Office that he had passed secrets to the Soviet Union—and that the Foreign Office had covered this fact up. Instead of prosecuting the man, David Floyd, they had decided it was a ‘youthful indiscretion’ and, with the help of Malcolm Muggeridge, had found him a job as ‘Communist affairs correspondent’ for the Daily Telegraph.

The Sunday Times neglected to mention that Floyd had left the Telegraph in 1970 and become Communist affairs correspondent for its sister paper The Times, a fact that The Daily Mail pointedly did mention in its follow-up article. Most of the British press ran their own articles following up the Sunday Times’ article, but none mentioned the story lurking just beneath the surface. Why would the Foreign Office help an admitted Soviet agent begin a completely different career in journalism, and at the top of the heap at one of the country’s best-known newspapers to boot? The answer is surely that Floyd had not simply been a diplomat, but that that had been his M.I.6 cover role, and that having considered his confession they decided—rightly or wrongly—that he was still reliable but perhaps not worth risking giving further access to secret files in an embassy. As a rare fluent Russian-speaker, the obvious path would then be to keep him on, and so BIN was charged with finding him a job as a foreign correspondent.

A couple of years later, British intelligence had its eye on another candidate for BIN, a modern languages undergraduate at Oxford University. His name was David Cornwell, but he would go on to become better known under the pseudonym John le Carré. Fluent in German, le Carré was already something of an old hand in the intelligence world by the time he arrived at Oxford, having served as an interrogator for the Intelligence Corps in Austria in 1951. In that role, he had roamed displaced persons camps looking for potential recruits for British intelligence. As his biographer Adam Sisman put it, this was no easy task, and he had to constantly ask himself questions: ‘‘Is this man who he says he is? Is he a security risk? Is he a criminal? Does he have any intelligence we need?’’ At this time, le Carré had to deal with Austrian officials, almost all of whom he soon realized had been Nazis.

Three years later, Cornwell was in danger of being forced to leave Oxford because Ronnie, his conman father, was struggling to pay for his college upkeep. Cornwell had been recruited by M.I.5 the previous year, although his intelligence connections went back further. Now the agency stepped in with a radical proposal for his future:

‘A new possibility had arisen, now that his MI5 handler, George Leggett, had departed for Australia, where he would undertake an extensive debriefing of the KGB defector Vladimir Petrov. Dick Thistlethwaite, Head of Operations at MI5, was talking about ‘taking him all the way through’, meaning that David would masquerade as a secret Communist intellectual and become a double agent while pursuing a conventional career as a journalist, probably as a foreign correspondent. David was sent to see Denis Hamilton, then editorial director of the Kemsley Press, the newspaper group that included the Sunday Times as well as several tabloid and regional newspapers. Hamilton, a war hero known as ‘the brigadier’ by his staff, had strong intelligence connections, and expressed willingness in principle to employ David should he be forced to leave Oxford prematurely. Ann was indoctrinated by Thistlethwaite; as an air vice- marshal’s daughter she was deemed suitable as a potential wife, and signed the Official Secrets Act.’

Le Carré spent some time seriously considering accepting this offer, although he confided to his tutor and friend Vivian Green that he would be ‘committing myself to something I don’t really want to do’. In the event, the matter was taken out of his hands. He was summoned to a meeting with Dick White, Percy Sillitoe’s successor as head of M.I.5, who decided that placing a double agent role on such a young man would be far too much pressure.

And so le Carré did not work for Ian Fleming as a correspondent alongside Antony Terry, reporting back to British intelligence. Nevertheless, he and Terry’s careers in the Cold War were often in parallel. Terry had carried out work for British intelligence in Austria just two years prior to le Carré. He had worked for M.I.6’s Head of Station in Vienna, George Kennedy Young, who le Carré would later use as the model for Percy Alleline in Tinker, Tailor, Soldier, Spy and its sequels.

In 1960, le Carré left M.I.5 and joined M.I.6, having been interviewed by a board that included Nicholas Elliott, at that point head of the London Station (and therefore Terry’s ultimate boss within the agency). Le Carré and Elliott eventually became friends, with the latter sharing a wealth of inside knowledge about the running of M.I.6, including details about his friend Kim Philby’s treachery, that would no doubt have informed the background of several of his novels.

Le Carré’s first posting with M.I.6 was to Bonn, where his task was ‘to investigate and detect potential Nazi cells or organisations, and to recruit German sleepers who would join any such groupings in order to provide information on them… As it turned out, there was very little for him to do, because the feared Nazi revival never materialised.’

Nevertheless, le Carré once again faced the fact that many German officials had been Nazis and gone unpunished. Describing the genesis of The Spy Who Came In From The Cold in 2013 as part of an event celebrating the 50th anniversary of its publication, le Carré said:

‘We were fifteen years after the end of the hot war, and West Germany, for all the attractive portraits that were painted of it, was an extremely disagreeable place to live in, I found. It was necessary to forget the past as a matter of doctrine, and the West German government and the assistants, the administration, were peppered with unredeemed Nazis, as indeed they were in east Germany… So it was for a young, and I suppose you could almost say idealistic diplomat, living and operating from our embassy in Bonn, it was sometimes a very hard ticket to swallow, if you swallow a ticket.’

From 1954 to 1963, Terry was also based in Bonn, where he was reporting on escaped Nazi war criminals and the threat of Nazis coming to power again in the new Germany. Could le Carré, working on ‘potential Nazi cells or organizations’, have been one of his sources? In 1994, French journalists Roger Faligot and Rémi Kauffer published a book on Cold War espionage that had a chapter on le Carré ’s intelligence career. In it, they quoted his ‘friend’ Antony Terry:

‘John was constantly ruminating on some new scene. We often took the little ferry together that he described in A Small Town in Germany.’

Le Carré has said in interviews that he suspects Kim Philby blew his cover as an M.I.6 officer to Moscow along with countless others, but according to his biographer Adam Sisman Terry was partially responsible for blowing le Carré’s literary cover, revealing the name behind the alias:

‘Perhaps it was inevitable that the press would uncover the real John le Carré sooner or later, especially as David had not concealed his identity from the Observer’s Bonn correspondent Neal Ascherson, and perhaps not from other members of the local press corps either. Early in the new year 1964 David was at his desk at the Hamburg Consulate when he received a telephone call from Nicholas Tomalin of the Sunday Times, who had been tipped off by the paper’s Bonn correspondent, Anthony Terry. David felt forced into a half- truth: he readily admitted to being John le Carré, but protested that he was no spy… The reason for keeping his name hidden was ‘the usual Civil Service one’, he told Tomalin. The Sunday Times printed an account of the telephone conversation in its ‘Atticus’ column, accompanied by a recent passport photograph of the author.’

Terry’s surviving cache of published letters gives us one further link between the two men. In March 1986, Terry’s friend and frequent source Tony Divall wrote to him mentioning ‘Cornwell/Le Car’ and ‘his odd letter of last November’. Whether this had been to Terry or Divall is not clear, but the mention of it means both he and Terry knew about the contact so it seems likely this would have been in connection with an area they both knew about. ‘Espionage’ is the obvious answer to that, but one related possibility is that le Carré was already conducting tentative research for The Night Manager. Divall was heavily involved with arms-dealing, and was one of Terry’s most significant sources for his reporting on the topic. Le Carré might then have reached out to Terry to ask him if he knew anyone he could speak to, and Terry then put him in touch with Divall. If so, le Carré either didn’t know Terry had blown his literary ‘cover’ years earlier, or hadn’t been bothered by it.

~

Novelists are scavengers by nature, and le Carré’s brush with the BIN network was the impetus for at least two of his characters, both in The Honourable Schoolboy, published in 1977: two characters are journalists who also work for ‘the Circus’, his fictional stand-in for M.I.6. The character of Jerry Westerby shared a similarity with David Astor in that he is the young heir of a newspaper baron, while Bill Craw was inspired by Dickie Hughes, the Sunday Times’ correspondent in Australia. Craw’s role has a slight similarity to the proposal for recruiting le Carré as an intellectual left-winger into Mercury, in that he writes an article that appears to criticise the Circus in order to help it. Had le Carré become a foreign correspondent in the vein his handlers envisaged, it’s the kind of piece he might have written, too.

Le Carré was not the first to immortalize Dickie Hughes as a character in spy fiction: a key part of the Mercury network, Ian Fleming had used him as the model for Dicko Henderson in You Only Live Twice. Le Carré and Fleming were at two opposite poles of British spy fiction in the Cold War, but they were often drawn to the same topics, even if their treatment of them was different. One example of this can be found in le Carré’s fourth novel, The Looking Glass War, published in 1965. Following the enormous international success of The Spy Who Came In From The Cold, the novel centres around a British spy agency, ‘The Department’, a fictionalised version of the Special Operations Executive had it managed to survive beyond the Second World War, which deludedly manoeuvres itself into an operation it is ill-equipped to carry out.

The plot was heavily influenced by le Carré’s own experiences in the intelligence world: the realities of spying as he had known them ‘on the ground’, he later wrote, ‘had been far removed from the fiendishly clever conspiracy that had entrapped my hero and heroine in The Spy’. With the follow-up, he aimed to show ‘the muddle and futility’ of the espionage world he had experienced by describing a British intelligence agency ‘that is really not very good at all; that is eking out its wartime glory; that is feeding itself on Little England fantasies; is isolated, directionless, over-protected and destined ultimately to destroy itself’.

This, of course, was radically different from Fleming’s much more romanticised portrayal of British intelligence work. Bond occasionally questions the justness of his orders, but there is never much doubt that M.I.6 is playing with a straight bat and that Bond is an extremely competent operative on the side of the angels.

Le Carré intended The Looking Glass War as a rebuke: to his own success, and to what he felt was his own mythologising of the intelligence world in his previous book. But it may be that the novel is also a kind of rebuke to journalists, Antony Terry among them, and their willingness to turn a blind eye to fabrications when it suited their purposes.

The Looking Glass War takes place in the shadow of the Bay of Pigs disaster and the Cuban missile crisis. It opens with a scene at an airfield in Finland that is perhaps the best piece of prose le Carré has yet written. The plot concerns intelligence reports of a Soviet missile base near Rostock—the very topic Terry had written so much about in the early ’50s and which had fed into Moonraker. But while Ian Fleming had expanded on Terry’s claims to make them even more fantastical, The Looking Glass War does the reverse: the reports about the base turn out to be non-existent, fabrications fed them by a dodgy source. The Department officer who discovers this finding buried in the files decides to ignore it and proceed with the operation to locate the base anyway, with disastrous results. The has-been spooks want another chance to relive their wartime glory days, even if it’s only imagined, and even if they know this themselves in their hearts:

‘‘You’re thinking of Peenemünde, aren’t you?’ he continued. ‘You want it to be like Peenemünde.’’

The details of the plot seem too close to those newspaper stories of the late ’40s and ’50s to be a coincidence, but it could be that le Carré hadn’t read press articles about it at the time but rather had had access to the original intelligence reports about these bases, the filtered content of which had then been passed on to journalists. But there is a hint that a press that was willing to be used by the intelligence agencies was one of his targets. Early in the novel Leclerc, the head of The Department, asks a ministerial under-secretary for permission for an overflight in the area around the supposed base. This is turned down and he is asked to suggest other proposals:

‘‘There’s one alternative, I suppose, which would scarcely touch on my Department. It’s more a matter for yourself and the Foreign Office.’

‘Oh?’

‘Drop a hint to the London newspapers. Stimulate publicity. Print the photographs.’

‘And?’

‘Watch them. Watch the East German and Soviet diplomacy, watch their communications. Throw a stone into their nest and see what comes out.’’

This proposal is also rejected, but in the real world more than a hint had been dropped to Antony Terry, and perhaps for similar reasons, ie to gauge the Soviets’ response to the stories by ‘letting them know we know’. It would certainly have been a cheaper option than overflights.

In a prefatory note to the novel, le Carré claimed that none of the characters or institutions in it existed in reality. This was no doubt the case, but the ideas behind them were all too real. The book was so downbeat that it was a commercial and critical failure in comparison to its predecessor. The novel was also greeted with outright hostility by the intelligence community.

In an article for The Guardian in 1989, le Carré referred to the novel’s rejection by critics and the public, adding that ‘this time the spies were cross’:

‘And since the British secret services controlled large sections of the press, just as they may do today, for all I know, they made their fury felt’.

In a circumlocutory way, he seems to have been suggesting that the intelligence agencies could have had a hand in the book receiving poor reviews. If so that seems unlikely, but it’s perhaps not such a surprising view for him to have held: his invitation into Mercury as an undergraduate meant that he knew M.I.6 ran a wide-ranging network within Fleet Street.

Jeremy Duns
VII. Rise of the New Nazis

This is part of Agent of Influence, a section of the free ebook Need to Know, which can be read on this website or downloaded here.


In the winter of 1964, John le Carré and his wife moved to Vienna. While there, he consulted the Nazi-hunter Simon Wiesenthal for material for a novel. Like Fleming and Terry before him, he too was interested in the rise from the rubble of war criminals whose pasts had been given a polish.

This was research for A Small Town In Germany, published in 1968. Set in Bonn, it concerns Klaus Karfeld, an extremist politician gaining popularity in West Germany. Wiesenthal had helped le Carré build up a plausible backstory for the character, which is crucial to the plot: under an alias in the war, Karfeld was responsible for the gassing of 31 Jews as part of a Nazi medical programme.

As well as the themes of hidden pasts and resurgent Nazi leaders, the novel also mentions British war crimes investigations units in Germany and the post-war hunt for Nazi scientists to recruit for the West. It also features a minor character, Sam Allerton, an arrogant but influential British correspondent with ‘dead yellow eyes’ who ‘represents a lot of newspapers’ in Bonn. Allerton doesn’t work for British intelligence, but appears to have some knowledge of their activities and personnel. He remembers the protagonist, M.I.6 officer Turner, from two previous spy scandals, in Belgrade and Warsaw, which the press pack had been required to hush up ‘or the Ambassador wasn’t going to give us any more port’. Once again, le Carré seems to have been getting in a dig that the supposedly independent British press could be manipulated into towing the government line.

Le Carré might have been the first spy novelist to seek out Simon Wiesenthal, but he wouldn’t be the last. Terry was still on the trail of former Nazis, and was digging up new intelligence on their activities. In March 1963, he filed a report that presented dramatic new dimensions to his old stories from a decade or so previously on German missile scientists:

‘In Egypt’s closely guarded missile center Project 333, near Cairo, nearly 400 German scientists and technicians, most of them from the wartime German V-2 missile center at Peenemunde, are working on the first Egyptian-made rocket missile with warheads containing radioactive materials designed for President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

Details of this work have been known to Bonn authorities for some time and have caused some concern here.

Israeli anxiety over the military effects of Egyptian rocket development on the power balance in the Mideast at a time when talks on federation of Egypt, Syria and Iraq are getting underway has led to the recent “underground war” by Israel agents in West Germany.

Their aim has been to buy off or scare off German experts engaged on this rocket work.

Though their efforts have been widespread and, according to some German sources, as efficiently organized as Eichmann kidnapping commandos, they have met with only moderate success.

One of the West Germans who vanished mysteriously last September is Heinz Krug, a former insurance clerk who ran a firm with headquarters in Munich, whose job was to purchase materials and technical equipment in Europe for Egypt’s missile research and construction.

After the war and before joining the Egyptians, Krug was a member of the German research physics under West Germany’s best-known missile expert, Prof. Eugen Saenger, who was among the first to advise Nasser on his rocket program.’

Terry reported that the core of this German scientific colony in Egypt were unrepentant Nazis, many of whom wanted ‘to continue the fight against the Jews’. Heading the German atomic missile research team in Cairo, he said, was

‘Prof. Wolfang Pilz, another Saenger man who during the last war was on Wernher von Braun’s staff in Peenemunde research station designing the V-1 flying bombs.’

Terry was far from the only journalist to write about this, but he explored the topic in much more detail than most, no doubt aided by his having studied it in-depth since the early ’50s and cultivated sources as a result. His article caused enough alarm to be cited in full in the U.S Congress’s House of Representatives.

He continued to investigate ex-Nazis’ activities until his death, but in 1967 he wrote an article on the theme that in many ways defined his career. On 23 July, the Sunday Times ran a story in which he had interviewed Simon Wiesenthal at length. In the article, Terry gave credence to Wiesenthal’s claim that Martin Bormann had escaped to south America with the help of a secret organization of former S.S. members known as ODESSA. The article caused a sensation, and was to have a ripple effect on the British thriller lasting several decades.

Terry’s description of ODESSA in the article could have come straight from a Fleming novel, with all the ingredients for a real-life version of S.P.E.C.T.R.E.:

‘It still has branches in West Germany, the Middle East and South America; its contacts inside the West German ministries, the police and security services of a dozen countries provide wanted top Nazis with an early warning system of attempts to arrest and extradite them.

With its network of “cells” all over the world, ODESSA has become a welfare fund to help Nazis who get caught, and to support their families while they are in jail…’

This was fantastic copy, bordering on the incredible. Terry even purported to know that ‘ODESSA’s leaders’ believed Bormann, ‘now 67’, was unlikely to be caught. It’s hard to see how he could possibly have known such a thing unless he had managed to earn the confidence of the group’s leaders and decided not to name any of them, which would have made for a significantly bigger scoop.

As with some of his previous reporting, his claims were next-to-impossible to disprove at the time. However, in 2009 British historian Guy Walters was able to investigate the history of ODESSA in declassified intelligence files. He concluded that there was no ‘vast and sinister network of former Nazis’ of that name; while there had been many small groups that had tried to assist Nazis in escaping justice after the war on an ad hoc basis, no ‘globalized tentacled monster’ of the kind Terry had described existed. Walters also pointed out that ODESSA’s acronym was supposed to derive from ‘Organisation der ehemaligen SS-Angehörigen’, meaning ‘The Organization of Former S.S. Members’, and that this was a supremely unlikely name for a ‘highly secret society of cunning former S.S. men’ to use.

Walters concluded that Simon Wiesenthal had been fed bogus information about ODESSA by Wilhelm Höttl, a former counter-intelligence chief in the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) who had managed to escape prosecution for war crimes by acting as a witness against his former colleagues at Nuremberg. U.S. intelligence had used Höttl to run agent networks, but sacked him in 1949 as they felt he was untrustworthy. A 1950 report to a U.S. counter-intelligence unit in Austria claimed that Höttl had since been recruited by Wiesenthal as a source on Nazi escape organizations, but that the content of the intelligence he was providing was ‘grossly exaggerated’.

Walters concluded that Wiesenthal had in turn duped Antony Terry with Höttl’s information:

‘If Terry’s editor had known that the ultimate source of much of the piece was a duplicitous former SD man, then he might have put the article on the spike. Or probably not. After all, it was a great story.’

The following year, Terry reported another sensation: he had found Martin Bormann alive. Well, nearly: he had found a former S.S. corporal named Erich Wiedwald who insisted he knew how Bormann had escaped from Berlin and that he was now living in Brazil, ‘a mile inland from the west bank of the Parana river’ on an estate named Kolonie Waldber 555. Terry had spent 11 days interviewing Wiedwald and insisted that his story, while unproven, constituted ‘the most detailed, consistent and verifiably accurate account of Martin Bormann’s post-war existence that has so far been offered’. Once again, none of it was possible to disprove at the time, and even after Bormann’s remains were discovered the stories kept appearing.

~

Terry had not single-handedly created the fascination with Bormann, though with the imprimatur of the Sunday Times he had given such stories much more legitimacy than they deserved. The same could be said of his reporting into Odessa, which captured the imagination of Frederick Forsyth, who was looking for a follow-up to his bestselling debut The Day of The Jackal.

The Odessa File was nearly as big a hit as its predecessor, and it was triggered by Forsyth reading Terry’s Sunday Times article on it. Forsyth had been a journalist himself, working for Reuters and the B.B.C, and like Terry had reported from Biafra. In his 2015 memoir The Outsider, he admitted that he had also helped out M.I.6 with several assignments, using his status as a correspondent as a cover. Although he didn’t name it, Frederick Forsyth, too, was part of the BIN network.

The novel’s protagonist is Peter Miller, a German reporter who gets wind of a powerful secret organisation helping former Nazis. The first half of Miller’s investigation into ODESSA closely follows Forsyth’s own research, including a visit to Simon Wiesenthal and another to Antony Terry himself in Bonn. In the novel, the ‘doyen of the British foreign correspondents’ corps’ is named Anthony Cadbury, a pun on the fact that Terry and Cadbury are both British brands of chocolate. The shrewd-eyed Cadbury shows Miller his reports of Nazi war crime tribunals he had covered, just as Terry did Forsyth in real life.

‘Fortunately, Cadbury was a methodical man and had kept every one of his despatches from the end of the war onwards. His study was lined with box-files along two walls. Besides these, there were two grey filing cabinets in one corner.

‘I run the office out of my home,’ he told Miller as they entered the study. ‘This is my own filing system, and I’m about the only one who understands it. Let me show you.’’

Forsyth also pulled in another story Terry had reported on: the German missile scientists helping Nasser in Egypt. As in Terry’s 1963 article on the subject, they plan to ‘destroy the Jews once and for all’, now as part of ODESSA, working out of a rocket factory north of Cairo known as ‘Factory 333’.

‘To open a factory is one thing; to design and build rockets is another. Long since, the senior supporters of Nasser, mostly with pro-Nazi backgrounds stretching back to the Second World War, had been in close contact with the Odessa representatives in Egypt. From these came the answer to the Egyptians’ main problem—the problem of acquiring the scientists necessary to make the rockets.

Neither Russia, America, Britain nor France would supply a single man to help. But the Odessa pointed out that the kind of rockets Nasser needed were remarkably similar in size and range to the V.2 rockets that Werner von Braun and his team had once built at Peenemunde to pulverise London. And many of his former team were still available….

The Odessa appointed a chief recruiting officer in Germany, and he in turn employed as his leg-man a former SS-sergeant, Heinz Krug. Together they scoured Germany looking for men prepared to go to Egypt and build Nasser’s rockets for him.

With the salaries they could offer they were not short of choice recruits. Notable among them were Professor Wolfgang Pilz, who had been repatriated from post-war Germany by the French and had later become the father of the French Véronique rocket, itself the foundation of De Gaulle’s aerospace programme. Professor Pilz left for Egypt in early 1962. Another was Dr Heinz Kleinwachter; Dr Eugen Saenger and his wife Irene, both formerly on the von Braun V.2 team also went along, as did Doctors Josef Eisig and Kirmayer, all experts in propulsion fuels and techniques.’

Terry would not have been the only source for all of this information: some of these details had been reported by other journalists and Forsyth doubtless dug up more in own research, either by consulting Terry directly as he had done for ODESSA, or through other sources he cultivated within intelligence and the arms industry (he, too, looks to have been involved with Terrys’s friend Tony Divall). Nevertheless, with the novel’s information about ODESSA supplemented by a mass of background material on the history of German missile scientists, Terry’s influence had once again seeped into a thriller-writer’s fictional world.

As he had done in The Day of the Jackal, Forsyth was pushing a technique Ian Fleming had favoured into new territory. This was to treat sensational background material as though reporting it in a newspaper. By using the language of journalism to relay authentic or authentic-sounding information, the excitement of a thriller became more intense, because one had the eerie impression one was reading about real events. This technique, known as ‘faction’, would dominate British thrillers of the latter part of the Cold War, pioneered by Forsyth. A large number of these thrillers featured surviving Nazi war criminals, quite frequently Martin Bormann. That all kicked off with The Odessa File in 1972.

~

Anthony Cadbury was a well-informed source for Peter Miller, but Forsyth carefully avoided any suggestion that the character was currently involved in intelligence work. Perhaps he needn’t have been so coy: after all, Sarah Gainham had openly had a protagonist playing such a role in The Stone Roses over 15 years earlier.

Not too long after that novel appeared, the Soviets learned about BIN. In the summer of 1959, M.I.6 officer and double agent George Blake returned from Berlin to take up a position at the London Station, where he worked with the frequent traveller programme, and also learned all about the wider work of the department. His designation was BIN 01/A.

As of that date, then, Soviet intelligence almost certainly knew the names of everyone who had been involved in the network before Blake joined it and while he was there. Confirming this, in 1968, the Soviets exposed the existence of the network in their press, using Blake’s knowledge of it and possibly also information provided by Kim Philby, who had also been involved in it shortly before his defection: David Astor at The Observer had given him a job on the paper, reporting to M.I.6. All the British journalists and editors named by the Soviets denied any involvement, and the scandal soon died down and was forgotten. But some of these secrets had been there all along, hidden between the lines of spy novels.

Jeremy Duns
VIII. Acknowledgements and Notes

Acknowledgements

With many thanks to: Ihsan Amanatullah, Adam Behr, Stephen Dorril, Matthew Sweet, Alan Tong and Guy Walters.


Notes

Antony Terry worked for a newspaper group that syndicated its content in several countries, so many of his articles appeared in multiple publications, often with different headlines and slight variations in text. These sometimes appeared weeks or occasionally months apart; I’ve generally tried to cite the earliest examples I could find.

I.   The London Station

‘BIN’: ‘Intelligence Service BBC, usw....’, Horizont, March 1969, p20;

‘a flurry of scornful denials’: A typical example came from one of the accused journalists, the Sunday Times’ Washington correspondent Henry Brandon: ‘The Soviet press has always found it difficult to understand that the British press or British foreign correspondents work independently of their Government. It simply assumes that what applies to Soviet foreign correspondents must also be true of British foreign correspondents.’ ‘Russia Accuses Fleet Street’ by Kyril Tidmarsh, The Times, 21 December 1968. For more, listen to MI6 and the Media, Document, Radio 4, presented by Jeremy Duns, broadcast 4 March 2013, available from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b01r0hsx

‘the London Station’: see The Perfect English Spy by Tom Bower (Mandarin, 1996 edition), p159; No Other Choice by George Blake (Jonathan Cape, 1990), pp184-185; John le Carré: The Biography by Adam Sisman (Bloomsbury, 2015), p210. An excellent summary of existing evidence for the network can be found in ‘Russia Accuses Fleet Street: Journalists and MI6 during the Cold War’ by Stephen Dorril, The International Journal of Press/Politics, vol. 20 no. 2, April 2015, pp204-227.

‘Z-1’: ‘Intelligence Service BBC, usw....’, Horizont, March 1969, p21.

‘the Z Organisation, a network of British businessmen’: MI6: The History of the Secret Intelligence Service 1909-1949 by Keith Jeffery (Bloomsbury, 2010), p379.

‘Finally, it developed and controlled a network’: The Perfect English Spy, p159.

‘If large numbers of British journalists were also on M.I.6’s payroll’: Britain’s Secret Propaganda War by Paul Lashmar and James Oliver (Sutton Pub, 1999), p75.

‘expressly forbidden from taking part in the field’: Ian Fleming by Andrew Lycett (Phoenix, 1996), pp122 and 139.

‘telling the Germans that all their U-boats leak’: ibid., p133.

‘the latter occasion had opened connections to the espionage world’: ibid., pp96-98.

‘likely been facilitated through his friendship with Fanny Vanden Heuvel’: ibid., p169.

‘over 20 British national and provincial newspapers and around 600 papers overseas’: British Newspapers and Their Controllers by Viscount Camrose (Cassell & Co, 1947), p69; British Propaganda and News Media in the Cold War by John Jenks (Edinburgh University Press, 2006), p21.

‘As foreign manager of the Sunday Times and Kemsley Newspapers’: Lycett, p212.

‘On his office wall at Gray’s Inn Road’: ‘My Secret Life At The Sunday Times’ by Mark Edmonds, Sunday Times, 14 October 2012.

‘Visited in the evening by M.I.6 character’: January 12 1950 entry, Like It Was: A Selection from the Diaries of Malcolm Muggeridge, edited by John Bright-Holmes (Collins, 1981), p371.


II. Mercury Man

‘one of the largest rings of intelligence officers’: ‘Good spies like to be in the news’ by Phillip Knightley, The Sunday Times, 20 December 1998.

‘a cocktail of duplicitous charm and amorality’: I Spy by Geoffrey Elliott (Little, Brown & Co, 1998), p22.

‘the Times noted only two of his four marriages’: Obituary of Terry, The Times, 3 October 1992.

‘prodigious memory and relentless attention to detail’: ‘Veteran reporter Terry dies at 79; Antony Terry’ by Paul Eddy, Sunday Times, 4 October 1992.

‘giant’: Obituary of Antony Terry by Cal McCrystal, The Independent, 2 October 1992.

‘a one-man listening post, a fastidious checker of facts: ibid.

‘Born in London in 1913’: Obituary of Terry, The Times.

‘writing articles for the Sunday Dispatch from the age of 14’: Berlin to Bond and Beyond by Judith Lenart (Athena Press, 2007), p14.

‘virulently opposed to the idea of having children’: ibid., p49.

‘Griffiths remarried, becoming Julia Greenwood’: ‘Julia Eileen Courtney Greenwood’, Contemporary Authors Online, Gale, 2001, Biography in Context; and various marriage certificates.

‘George Orwell favourably reviewed’: Review of A Foolish Wind by George Orwell, Manchester Evening News, 7 November 1946.

‘Anton Schroder’: Appendix I, Berlin to Bond and Beyond.

‘very effective and valued interrogator’: see The London Cage: The Secret History of Britain's World War II Interrogation Centre by Helen Fry (Yale University Press, 2017), p39 and the other references to him peppered throughout the book.

‘‘hot’ intelligence’: The London Cage, p40.

‘at great personal risk, armed only with a revolver’: Military Cross Citation for Antony Terry, January 1946, British National Archives, WO 373/100/523.

‘Major Terry and his men drew German fire’: Obituary of Terry, The Times.

 ‘a radio set built from components’:.I Spy, p127.

‘hidden inside a gramophone’: ibid.

‘the shit with the glasses’: Cited in Berlin to Bond and Beyond, p27. I haven’t been able to trace the programme in question.

‘visiting Dachau’: The London Cage, pp173-181.

‘Fleming had drafted a memo’: ‘Proposal for Naval Intelligence Commando Unit’, Ian Fleming, 20 March 1942, British National Archives, ADM 223/500

‘either a bachelor or a solidly married man’: The Kemsley Manual of Journalism (Cassell & Co, 1950), p244.

‘one of his girlfriends at the time’: Berlin to Bond and Beyond, p45.

‘arranged the cover’: Lycett, p169.

‘he had had a tough time, but he had held up well’: I Spy, p210.

‘a highly trusted and capable freelancer’: Berlin to Bond and Beyond, p52.

‘enjoyed the right of direct communication with the Intelligence Directorate in London’: The Tiger, Life by Sarah Gainham, 1983, pp173-174.

‘It was nothing to see a Russian soldier raise the stock of his machine pistol’: ‘Smolka “The Spy”’: a letter from Vienna’ by Sarah Gainham, Encounter, December 1984, pp 78-79.

‘an uncouth bull of a man with a decidedly shady air’: ‘My Spy’ by Peter Foges, Lapham’s Quarterly, 14 January 2016. Available from: https://www.laphamsquarterly.org/roundtable/my-spy

‘codenamed ABO’: The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West by Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin (Penguin, 2000), p84.

Picture Post wanted an article’: ‘Smolka “The Spy”, pp 78-79.

‘This was Graham Greene’: British Cinema and the Cold War by Tony Shaw (I.B. Taurus, 2001), p28.

‘According to Smolka’s godson’: ‘My Spy’ by Peter Foges.

‘I shall never mind being beaten on spot news’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 4 October 1949, Yours Ever, Ian Fleming, edited by Judith Lenart (Printhouse Nelson, 1994), pp10-11.

‘particularly well-informed, especially regarding Russian manoeuvres in Germany’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 20 October 1949. Yours Ever, pp11-12.


III.         Our Man in Germany

‘tabloiditis’: Letter from Antony Terry to unnamed correspondent, 19 January 1990, Berlin to Bond and Beyond, p167.

‘a trail of murder and rioting wherever he goes’: ‘Herr Bormann—What Next’ by Antony Terry, The Singapore Free Press, 14 February 1952.

‘Martin Borman, under his new name, “Borner,”’: ‘Bormann Reported in Russia’ by Anton (sic) Terry, The Marion Star, Ohio, 13 October 1952.

‘the new Nazi Fuhrer of Germany’: ‘New Nazis Will Eye Berlin Trial Anxiously’ by Anthony (sic) Terry, The Singapore Free Press, 29 July 1952.

‘Fritz Roessler, alias Franz Richter’: ‘Reds Support Families of Jailed Nazis, NANA-Kemnews, The Times (Shreveport, Louisiana), 13 April 1952.

 ‘There’s always been a reluctance on the part of Whitehall to pursue these people’: ‘Secret report names SS man’ by Barrie Penrose and David Connett, The Sunday Times, 24 April 1988.

‘A British Press correspondent in Germany, named Antony TERRY’: Letter from Sir Percy Sillitoe, M.I.5., to Major General J.A. Brink, Commissioner of South African Police, 31 March 1952. British National Archives, KV 2/3033, p15.

‘American intelligence officials in Berlin arrested Gero Von Galera’: ‘U.S. Agents Seize Baron’, Reuters, The Salt Lake Tribune, 22 August 1952.

 ‘amateur spy’: ‘The Spy Tangle of Berlin’ by Antony Terry, The Straits Times, Singapore, 12 December 1957.

‘Terry would likely also have been on their distribution list’: see British Propaganda and News Media in the Cold War by Jenks, p85.

‘Divall had been in the Royal Marines’: M.I.6.: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service by Stephen Dorril (Touchstone, 2000), p296.

‘developed a talent for running agents’: ibid.

‘JUNK’: ibid. Divall was evidently the inspiration for the character of Charles Henry Duggan in Anthony Horowitz’s 2015 Bond novel Trigger Mortis.

‘According to an article on the ‘Goldfinger’-style operation’: ‘A Spy Tale With A Real Goldfinger’ by Antony Terry, The Times (Shreveport, Louisiana), 10 March 1968.

‘Can’t see a man of his type and mentality doing himself in’: Transcript of call between Divall and Terry, 6 November 1991, Berlin to Bond and Beyond, pp137-138.

‘With Jewish people it’s all one firm’: ibid.

‘Following our conversation I have had some talks’: letter from Terry to unnamed correspondent, 7 November 1991, Berlin To Bond and Beyond, p140.

‘The other suggestion I have come across’: ibid.

‘nothing more nor less than a bloody KGB agent’: ibid., p138.

‘Terry tracked down former concentration camp officials’: See Flames In The Field by Rita Kramer (Michael Joseph, 1995), pp182-183.

‘Anglo-American intelligence sources’: ‘Red A-Bomb Rocket Bases In Europe’, The Singapore Free Press, 26 September 1949.

‘reliable sources in the East German government’: ‘Red-Controlled V-2 Base Threatens British Zone’ by Antony Terry, The Evening Review, Ohio, 29 October 1952.

‘secret, atom proof island fortress in the Baltic’: ‘Britain, Red Target’, The Marion Star, Ohio, 27 February 1953.

‘Using German rocket experts sent from Russia’: ibid.

‘British intelligence in Germany, working on agents’ reports’: ‘Reds’ V-Bombs Ready to Sweep All of Europe’ by Antony Terry, The Boston Sunday Globe, 31 May 1953.

‘This is what eye witnesses have told of the Soviet scheme’: ibid.

‘fantastic plan’: ibid.

‘building a superhelicopter of his own design’: ‘German Scientists Keep Busy In Exile, Awaiting Comeback of Fatherland’, Antony Terry, Syracuse Herald-American, 28 February 1954.

‘Many were contradictory’: See, for instance, ‘Airfield and Seaplane Base of Bug, Isle of Ruegen’, 29 March 1950, C.I.A., Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00457R004700530001-8; and the numerous follow-ups to it.

‘You must know thrilling things before you can write about them’: How To Write A Thriller by Ian Fleming, Show, August 1962.

‘For Casino Royale, he sought out background information’: The pearl of days: an intimate memoir of the Sunday Times, 1822-1972 by Harold Hobson and others (Hamish Hamilton, 1972), p260.

‘Dear Tony, Many thanks for the V-2 book’: Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 1 September 1953, Yours Ever.

‘widespread plot’: ‘Germans Uncover Widespread Plot To Revive Nazi Werewolf Gangs’, Deseret News, October 30 1952.

‘The V-weapon men wear’: ‘Reds’ V-Bombs Ready to Sweep All of Europe’ by Antony Terry, The Boston Sunday Globe, 31 May 1953.


IV.        Terryland

‘In February 1954, Terry replied to a request’: Letter from Antony Terry to Ian Fleming, 2 February 1954, Yours Ever, p50.

‘In June 1956, Ian Fleming and his wife Ann visited Bonn’: Lycett, pp290-1.

‘shovel it into the Kemsley machine’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 20 June 1956, Yours Ever.

‘a couple of addresses in Berlin’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 12 July 1956, Yours Ever.

‘next opus: ibid.

‘I hope successful, efforts to get Sarah Gainham’s excellent work into the Sunday Times and also the Group machinery’: ibid.

‘excellent thriller’: ‘Forever Ambler’ by Ian Fleming, The Sunday Times, 1 July 1956. Lycett suggests this review was part of Fleming’s attempts to ingratiate himself with Ambler, who he often had lunch with, and who introduced him to his literary agent, Peter Janson-Smith (p278). Supporting this, Fleming called The Night-Comers ‘better than the last two but still not quite the good old stuff we remember’ in a letter to Raymond Chandler, while the review was much more enthusiastic, hailing it as a return to form and concluding ‘it is very good to have this fine writer back with us again’. His letters show he was quite often more generous in reviews than in private. Fleming to Chandler, 22 June 1956, printed in The Man with the Golden Typewriter, edited by Fergus Fleming (Bloomsbury, 2015), p230.

‘Ambler’s publisher were using an excerpt’: Heinemann advertisement, The Guardian, 13 July 1956, p6.

Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 12 July 1956, Yours Ever.

‘Accompanying the 3,000-word document’: Letter from Antony Terry to Ian Fleming, 15 July 1956, Yours Ever.

‘…from the office he made straight for the Soviet Sector’: Letter from Antony Terry to Ian Fleming, 15 July 1956, Yours Ever.

‘vast and splendid memorandum’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 17 July 1956, Yours Ever.

‘You really shouldn’t have taken so much trouble’: ibid.

‘he wanted to buy a new car’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 18 August 1959, Yours Ever.

‘Terry showing him around Hamburg: Lycett, p354.

‘spook’s tours’: ibid., p371.

‘In September 1960, Fleming asked Terry for help’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 9 September 1960, Yours Ever.

‘an allegory of the life of Fleming himself!’: ‘Bond’s Last Case’ by Philip Larkin, The Spectator, 8 July 1966.

‘arouse memories of our stay in Berlin and of the ‘friend’ we met when there’: Letter from Ian Fleming to Antony Terry, 31 October 1961, Yours Ever.

‘and the West Berlin authorities try to discourage West Berliners from going there’: Antony Terry to Ian Fleming, 4 November 1961, ibid.


V. Out of the Shadows

‘We are accustomed to getting good service from Terry in Berlin’: Memorandum from G. Grafton Green to Ian Fleming, 22 December 1953, auction catalogue, IAA International Autograph Auctions.

‘After they passed, shadows flitted along the street’: Atticus, The Sunday Times, 18 November 1956.

‘Antony Terry of the Sunday Times, his wife and I’: Hungarian Tragedy by Peter Fryer (Index Books, 1997 –reprint, first published in 1956), pp83-84.

‘I had a special feeling for using the thriller’: Who’s Who In Spy Fiction by Donald McCormick, pp82-83.

‘Schill appears to have been based on Hans Bartschat’: ‘Reds Jailed Her Husband As Spy, Escapee Relates’, NANA, The Marion Star, Marion, Ohio, 27 May 1954.

‘Gainham’s next novel, The Mythmaker’: The text about this novel here is adapted from a previous essay of mine, ‘In Fleming’s Footsteps’, published on my website on 21 March 2013.

‘highly intelligent and accomplished’: Lycett, p371.

‘pre-puberty’: ibid.

‘ingenious, stylish, amusingly informative’, ‘well-plotted’: ‘It’s A Crime’ column, Christopher Pym, The Spectator, 22 November 1957.

‘well-written, thoughtful and intelligent thriller’: ‘Crime Ration’ column, Maurice Richardson, The Observer, 29 December 1957.

‘Perhaps she does the cause of Western diplomacy no favor’: ‘Survival Fight in Red Domain’ by C.W. Johnson, Springfield Leader and Press (Springfield Missouri), 28 June 1959.

‘always wished I had taken a man's name for my pseudonym’: Who’s Who In Spy Fiction, p82.

‘topping the New York Times list for months and giving her financial security for the rest of her life’: Independent obituary.

‘The forty years’ anniversary goes back’: Letter from Antony Terry to unnamed correspondent, 15 September 1987, Berlin to Bond and Beyond, pp161-162.

‘lying in a pool of blood’: ibid., p49.


VI.        Through the Looking Glass

‘various memoirs’: see for example I Spy. He also crops up in But What Did You Actually Do? by Alistair Horne (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2011), who also reveals in the book that he carried out a similar role to Terry for M.I.6 while The Daily Telegraph’s correspondent in Bonn.

‘In February 2018, the Sunday Times reported’: ‘David Floyd: the traitor who was forgiven and forgotten’ by Jeff Hulbert, The Sunday Times, 25 February 2018.

‘Is this man who he says he is?’: Sisman, p100.

‘A new possibility had arisen’: ibid., p139.

‘committing myself to something I don’t really want to do’: ibid., p149.

‘the model for Percy Alleline’: ibid., p210.

Le Carré and Elliott eventually became friends’: see le Carré’s afterword to A Spy Among Friends by Ben Macintyre (Bloomsbury, 2014).

‘to investigate and detect potential Nazi cells’: Sisman, p223.

‘We were fifteen years after the end of the hot war’: ‘John le Carré in Conversation’ at the Royal College of Music, London, interviewed by Anne McElvoy, broadcast on BBC Radio 3, 29 July 2013.

‘John was constantly ruminating’: Les maîtres espions: Tome 2 (Robert Laffont, 1994), p438. Quoted excerpt translated by me. Faligot confirmed the quotes via email, saying he had initially been put onto the connection by a journalist friend of Terry. (Email to author, June 13 2018.)

‘Perhaps it was inevitable that the press’: Sisman, p251.

‘had been far removed from the fiendishly clever conspiracy’: Introduction to the Lamplighter edition of the novel, 1991.

‘The novel was also greeted’: ‘Real-Life British Spies Did Not Like John le Carré’ by John le Carré, 12 September 2016, Literary Hub. Available from: https://lithub.com/real-life-british-spies-did-not-like-john-le-carre

‘And since the British secret services controlled’: ‘Smiley’s People Are Alive And Well’ by John le Carré, The Guardian, 16 November 1989.


VII.      Rise of the New Nazis

‘In the winter of 1964: Sisman, p273.

‘U.S Congress’s House of Representatives’: Proceedings of Congress and General Congressional Publications, Cong. Rec. (Bound)—House of Representatives: March 25, 1963, Volume 109, Part 4 (March 15, 1963 to April 3, 1963). Available from: https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GPO-CRECB-1963-pt4/pdf/GPO-CRECB-1963-pt4-5-2.pdf  

Terry’s article appears and is discussed on pp25-26. A shorter version of the article appeared in several American newspapers, eg ‘400 German Experts Build Egypt Rocket’ by Antony Terry, The Los Angeles Times, 24 March 1963.

‘On 23 July, the Sunday Times’: ‘The Secret Lifeline for ex-Nazis on the Run’ by Antony Terry, The Sunday Times, 23 July 1967.

‘It still has branches in West Germany’: ibid.

‘ODESSA’s leaders’: ibid.

‘vast and sinister network of former Nazis’: Hunting Evil by Guy Walters (Bantam, 2010 paperback edition), p202.

‘globalized tentacled monster’: ibid., p203.

‘highly secret society of cunning former S.S. men’: ibid., pp201, 203.

‘grossly exaggerated: ibid., p223.

‘If Terry’s editor had known’: ibid., p225.

‘a mile inland from the west bank of the Parana river’: ‘Former SS Man Tells ‘True’ Bormann Story’ by Antony Terry, Los Angeles Times, 7 January 1968.

‘triggered by Forsyth reading’: ‘The truth behind The Odessa File and Nazis on the run’ by Guy Walters, The Daily Telegraph, 1 December 2010.

‘take up a position at the London Station’: No Other Choice by George Blake, pp182 -184.

Jeremy Duns